tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-345988532024-03-07T14:03:03.061-08:00servethepeopleMarxism-Leninism, blues music, Bob Dylan and moreUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger582125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-62876302560921537222023-12-31T22:32:00.000-08:002023-12-31T22:32:30.099-08:00The ineffectiveness of anti-corruption struggles in China<p><span style="font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i>Corruption re-emerged
in China in a big way after the restoration of capitalism and remains source of
social dissatisfaction today. Here, the November 2023 edition of Struggle
Monthly critiques the phenomenon and the Party’s hypocritical and self-serving “anti-corruption”
campaigns – Trans.</i></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial;"><i> </i></span></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Anti-corruption
film in a fairy tale</span><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial;"></span></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEibwVHrI5kZSTZDpIGW24NsycHr3fu3F60ZVH0jJ0OjRTlO2rId-o8QKd8WpGkhXXH9J6P7NI-vEPyDZ5ewbMrK3BwWAEJyUjdwmLu_8KEaAZdwDg1RNeMf6q0ASz0c_bosDBhwcm5QpIC4N3lVAlQfnD5ufLSTFmZSHoCT0DHT8Sw6BzIQ0Sq3" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="598" data-original-width="940" height="408" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEibwVHrI5kZSTZDpIGW24NsycHr3fu3F60ZVH0jJ0OjRTlO2rId-o8QKd8WpGkhXXH9J6P7NI-vEPyDZ5ewbMrK3BwWAEJyUjdwmLu_8KEaAZdwDg1RNeMf6q0ASz0c_bosDBhwcm5QpIC4N3lVAlQfnD5ufLSTFmZSHoCT0DHT8Sw6BzIQ0Sq3=w640-h408" width="640" /></a></span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /></span></b></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Above: The fist of anti-corruption smashes the wall of <span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">腐败</span><span lang="ZH-CN"> </span>(means ‘rotten, corrupt’) while the vertical comment in red
reads: <span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">你说这个我都觉得好笑(‘</span>I
think it’s funny, a joke, when you say that’<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">)</span><o:p></o:p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Since the restoration of capitalism after 1976, the ideology
of capitalism has also been restored.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">It dares not give up Marxism-Leninism-Socialism directly,
but can only distort vulgar Marxism-Leninism through various means. As a
bureaucratic capitalist, it cannot go for the bourgeois form of democracy in
the West, and Chairman Mao said that once revisionism came to power, it would
be the worst kind of capitalism, and that if it engaged in the bourgeois
liberalisation, the 89 Incident<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/New%20folder/Anti-corruption.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
would occur, so it had to bring back the feudal elements at the same time to
serve as an ideological cohesion. The two together have carried out a
counter-attack on the former socialist culture, which has continued to this
day, and it is most obvious and reactionary in the cultural field. Popular
literary works and film and television productions are nothing but the most
shameless and naked deception of bureaucratic capitalism against the working
people.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The Zhongxiu<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/New%20folder/Anti-corruption.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
authorities have a very clever way of disguising themselves. Take
anti-corruption works as an example, how does Zhongxiu tell such stories? The
villains and contradictions in such works are usually the corruption of a
high-powered official at the local level, and the impact on the people is
manifested in the emergence of triad-type bullies or unscrupulous businessmen
who do harm to one side, for example, Zhao Lichun, Gao Yuliang, and Qi Tongwei
in the name of the people are the former, and the latter are unscrupulous
businessmen such as Zhao Ruilong and Gao Xiaoqin.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The positive characters are Sha Ruijin, a minister of the
imperial police, and Hou Liangping, who has a background as a royal relative.
The logic of this kind of story is to let the audience focus on how the
positive side defeats the negative side step by step, and how the positive side
highlights the righteousness of the spirit of anti-corruption. One of the key
characters, and the one with the most sinister intentions, is Chen Yan, a
veteran cadre with genuine communist consciousness, who is used to show that
there is still hope within the party and that it is not completely corrupt. In
the film and TV drama, Chen Yan sits up all night with the workers of the
Dafeng factory in order to stop the demolition of the factory and prevent
conflicts from intensifying, and the image of the communist as being deeply
involved in the people's lives is built up, and the authorities are using this
kind of rare example to prove that this Party, which has already deteriorated,
is still good.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The vast majority of anti-corruption films and TV programmes
follow this narrative logic, which is the most deceptive to the people, making
them believe that the Party is really carrying out a self-revolution, but in
fact it is just internal strife. In connection with the recently released film
"I Am Originally a High Mountain", which is based on the story of
Zhang Guimei, we can clearly see the sinister intention of Zhongxiu's cultural
works under his reactionary ideology, which is to make the people be touched by
those who really do something, so that they can spontaneously defend this
capitalist, exploitative and cannibalistic social system. The "Zero
Tolerance" and "Moving China" productions made by Zhongxiu are
just window-dressing. Those who have really made a contribution to the people
become idols under the propaganda of Zhongxiu, which ultimately serves to
strengthen its rule.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg-YOkiA8ieS21Uq2nw0ZMzXUtoL9N2PvVu91wkNDURfdGmLhvASQJ9wqkZuKlmjEQyNhB0thWTguIyiZTBHyfMHHDSJK42LxP5p0PtlsUO3I7LKfBa6uJTfxuMrZAGG7CbWyaN8iDx9jY77YPJLWLeagmAx2qMEgopubCeLC6DkUIRgsEEov2Q" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="638" data-original-width="940" height="434" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg-YOkiA8ieS21Uq2nw0ZMzXUtoL9N2PvVu91wkNDURfdGmLhvASQJ9wqkZuKlmjEQyNhB0thWTguIyiZTBHyfMHHDSJK42LxP5p0PtlsUO3I7LKfBa6uJTfxuMrZAGG7CbWyaN8iDx9jY77YPJLWLeagmAx2qMEgopubCeLC6DkUIRgsEEov2Q=w640-h434" width="640" /></a></span></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Above: the anti-corruption politician has a sack on his back
with the characters for ‘keeping a mistress’<o:p></o:p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The same applies to this kind of TV drama, which will try to
portray a clean official who serves the people and is sent by the Central
Authorities to rectify the local situation. Sha Ruijin and Hou Liangping in the
Name of the People are such characters, but in essence, the appearance of these
officials is just a manifestation of the state machinery to maintain its own
functioning, with the aim of removing local corrupt officials who threaten the
overall interests of the general public, and the general public will often be
confused by the illusion of this kind of drama: the Central Committee of the
Party is wise and mighty, and sends inspection teams to solve problems at the
local level. Essentially, these problems are caused by the reform and opening
up of capital. For example, a masked person breaks your leg. You don’t know who
it is. Later, the person who broke your leg heals your leg. , you don’t know
who is the person who broke your leg, but instead you are grateful to him,
whether it is anti-corruption or poverty alleviation. This kind of vicious
method is very deceptive to the people, but the lies will eventually be seen
through.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">For the bureaucratic bourgeoisie who truly hold power, the
Discipline Inspection Commission is nothing more than a tool for political
struggle. The real Zhao family will always be at large. Small fish and shrimps
like Arctic Catfish<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/New%20folder/Anti-corruption.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
are no match for thieves like Deng Pufang. As part of the state apparatus, the
Discipline Inspection Commission will also play a certain role in
self-purification, but its role is very limited. This is not self-revolution
under the dictatorship of the proletariat. It is useless to arrest and kill a
group of corrupt officials. Under the dictatorship of the bureaucratic
bourgeoisie, Capitalism and private ownership will continue to produce corrupt
officials. China's revision has long entered the law of historical cycles.
Chairman Xi does not even have the courage to kill corruption, and talking
about self-revolution is just a lie to deceive the people.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">This kind of cultural work has given us a lot of food for
thought today. When the class struggle and revolution stop on the road to
socialist development, there will be a regression, and capitalism will
gradually spread from the ideological to the political and economic spheres, as
history after the Cultural Revolution has proved. The experience left to us by
the Cultural Revolution is that after the establishment of a socialist regime,
an ideological revolution must be carried out. After the temporary death of
capitalism, the stench and filth it emits will still affect us. It will wait
for an opportunity to dominate people's ideologies again, and in reality China
completed its own restoration. The chaos and regression in China's ideological
field today strongly prove this.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhkV1C6WMT-nKw9zfrP0xXYcKb3-3Vubw8NP4Sh3HCWuQ2VdIsKqaottqZrWR--ZHf4zB3XPoaTKTCzJm_POJorzq9sPST3f59eB96aNmPOFWKnDtriNz1BYXT6viRWctrBLbAQmT9LTRwq8UxSrvb9_eB55FXoOMXkcGlTESH2enYFX0PmWaq0" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="313" data-original-width="940" height="214" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhkV1C6WMT-nKw9zfrP0xXYcKb3-3Vubw8NP4Sh3HCWuQ2VdIsKqaottqZrWR--ZHf4zB3XPoaTKTCzJm_POJorzq9sPST3f59eB96aNmPOFWKnDtriNz1BYXT6viRWctrBLbAQmT9LTRwq8UxSrvb9_eB55FXoOMXkcGlTESH2enYFX0PmWaq0=w640-h214" width="640" /></a></div><p class="MsoNormal">Above: both cartoons illustrate anti-corruption campaigners
accepting bribes and accumulating wealth.<o:p></o:p></p><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
</div></div><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /><br /></span></p>
<div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/New%20folder/Anti-corruption.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> The
“89 Incident” refers to the June 4, 1989 crackdown.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/New%20folder/Anti-corruption.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> “Zhongxiu”
is an abbreviation for “Chinese revisionism” and is used not only to indicate
an ideological departure from Marxism, but the Party and the State that serve
this departure.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div></div><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /></span></span></b><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/New%20folder/Anti-corruption.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 14.2667px;">[3]</span></span></span></a> “Arctic Catfish” is the social media name of the granddaughter of Zhong Gengci, former director of the Freight Management Branch of Shenzhen Transportation Bureau. She outraged Chinese netizens by disparaging the common people ana flaunting her family’s wealth, which she claimed ran to a nine-figure sum. Some netizens found that the IP of "Arctic Catfish" shows the location as Australia. After a rather desultory examination of Zhong Genci’s situation by the Commission for Discipline Inspection, he was expelled from the Party in October 2023.</p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-6845337260066986572022-11-23T14:13:00.000-08:002022-11-23T14:13:03.175-08:00Chairman Mao's advice to Colombian revolutionaries<p> <i>(Translator's Preface: This is taken from Vol 46 of Chairman Mao's Collected Works on the bannedthought website: </i><a href="https://www.bannedthought.net/China/Individuals/MaoZedong/Mao-CW-Chinese/46-OCR-sm.pdf">Adobe Photoshop PDF (bannedthought.net)</a> )</p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Some Experiences of Armed Struggle<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20interviews%20by%20Mao/1963-64/Some%20Lessons%20on%20Armed%20Struggle.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">5 December 1963<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">(</span>1<span lang="ZH-CN">)</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Revolution is always about creating your own experience. In
the past, none of us knew how to fight and we were not prepared to go to the
mountains to fight as guerrillas. I was in the workers' and peasants' movement,
and I was a primary school teacher by profession. But the enemy wanted to
capture us and kill us, so we were forced to go to the mountains to fight. No
matter how we fought or how we didn't, we never studied. We learned from Chiang
Kai-shek and from the enemy and fought for ten years. Later, when the Japanese
came in, we learned to fight with them again. I have fought in wars all my
life, for 22 years in total. From not having the will to fight to having the
will to fight, from not knowing how to fight to learning how to fight. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In armed struggle, we must learn to destroy the enemy. If
you can't destroy a hundred of them, you have to destroy fifty of them. As long
as their guns and bullets are surrendered, you will not lose money. If you just
drive them away, and not destroy them, then it won't work. If we can cut off
one finger, we will only have nine fingers left, and if we cut off one more
finger, we will only have eight fingers left, and if we cut off one more finger,
we will only have seven fingers left. In this way, the enemy will be afraid of
us. It is possible to wipe out the enemy one by one and cut off the fingers one
by one. This is basically the way to fight a war. To fight a war of
annihilation, we have to choose the time and place.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Another point is that armed struggle requires base areas.
Without a base area, you cannot even cut off a finger. First of all, we should
fight the most loathsome ones, starting with the worst ones, that is, those in
power. Those who do not have deep hatred for the peasants can be left untouched
for the time being. We can also not distribute land immediately, but first
reduce rents and interest rates. Once the base areas are established, we can
establish power, peasant associations, youth and women's organisations,
production co-operatives and militias. For quite some time, some comrades did
not understand this issue and left after the fight, which is called rogueism.
They ran around, ate all the pigs and chickens and then left.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">(</span>2<span lang="ZH-CN">)</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Because cities are the strongholds of imperialist
aggression, they are not easy to take over at once. Small towns might have been
possible, but often the enemy forced us to withdraw even after we had arrived,
and this was repeated many times. The main thing is to destroy the enemy's
power, without which the place cannot be defended.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In addition, there must be a separate political and economic
programme for the countryside, because it is impossible to be very specific in
the general programme. Once a base area is established, rents and interest
rates can be reduced, but land is not confiscated immediately. If the enemy was
too strong to be destroyed at once, or if the guerrillas left, the enemy would
kill people and the peasants would not dare to ask for the land. In Cuba,
before the victory of the revolution, there was no land distribution in the
base areas because they had only been fighting for three years. Our country was
so big and the war was so long that we fought for 20 years, so during the war
we carried out land reform. This was also after we had won some big battles and
had a base of millions of people. You have to do it on a case-by-case basis,
combining Marxism-Leninism with your situation.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">You must mingle with the people, speak the same language and
dress like them, so that they feel that you are a trusted friend. One shortcoming
of urban intellectuals, and I myself am no different, is that I am not familiar
with the situation in the countryside. At first the peasants did not trust us
because they were oppressed by those who were rich. If we did not win the war,
they did not trust us either. After we had won the war and treated them as
equals, they trusted us.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">(</span>3<span lang="ZH-CN">)</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is also the
rule of self-reliance, supplemented by international aid. With international
aid or without, we have to rely on ourselves. Like in ancient times, they had
no foreign support for their armed struggle, and where did they get their
weapons? They took them from the enemy. We fought the war with the enemy, we
got our guns from the enemy, and we captured many of them and added them to our
troops. The enemy's soldiers were trained to fight. Our soldiers were
untrained, and if we took some captives, they would have fought. The base area
was a school for training cadres. Many of our leaders, such as Liu Shaoqi, Zhou
Enlai, Deng Xiaoping and many other marshals and generals, did not know how to
fight at first, but learnt during the war.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In the past, there were no marshals, generals, colonels or
lieutenants, but only commanders, military commanders, divisional commanders,
regimental commanders, battalion commanders, company commanders, platoon
commanders and squad commanders. Officers were the same as soldiers. But then
there were many titles and better clothes than soldiers. I don't think that's
good. It's better to be the same as a soldier. I don't live by the title of
marshal or general. I am not a marshal or a general, but the Chairman of the
Central Committee of the Party, and I should not live on that title. The masses
do not care what kind of wealth you have, nor what clothes you wear, but only
what policies you have. They don't care what party you are, whether it is the
Communist Party or the Guomindang, but if the Communist Party's policies are
wrong, they will still scold you. Where does knowledge come from? We are all
very stupid. Knowledge comes from the masses. If we don't do research, we don't
know anything. This is some of our experience.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20interviews%20by%20Mao/1963-64/Some%20Lessons%20on%20Armed%20Struggle.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
Sections 1 to 3 are part of Mao Zedong's conversation with a study delegation
from the Colombian "Workers, Students and Peasants Movement".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
</div><br /><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-76997226931321386922022-10-06T04:38:00.003-07:002022-10-06T04:38:52.279-07:00Mao Zedong: Xinjiang must do well in economic work and strengthen national unity <p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg71Ual_TRBnU1HAA0EOWLBjmBXR6QnqfFL9PCjdenBhB9eY-FwTRxCV7OdxuvbY2a3-eK6rJv9W1JRlvX4ReHOE1CFrEh5cDwC6LTyWjDMCC9IvCThOIVTSdqvwNB43qIGXxJy7jyBMHroo-aGQOOxEy6azTcvqZ1nuCuri6Z9NqYTE1wedg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="633" data-original-width="619" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg71Ual_TRBnU1HAA0EOWLBjmBXR6QnqfFL9PCjdenBhB9eY-FwTRxCV7OdxuvbY2a3-eK6rJv9W1JRlvX4ReHOE1CFrEh5cDwC6LTyWjDMCC9IvCThOIVTSdqvwNB43qIGXxJy7jyBMHroo-aGQOOxEy6azTcvqZ1nuCuri6Z9NqYTE1wedg=w627-h640" width="627" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">(<i>The caption above reads: </i><span style="text-align: left;"><i>In 1963, Mao Zedong met with Baoer Khan, Chairman of the
Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and Vice-Chairman of the National Committee
of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference.)</i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;"><i><br /></i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;"><i><br /></i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;"><i><br /></i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;"><i>(Translator's preface: Mao Zedong's policy on national minorities consistently held to two central features: [1] that there should be preferential treatment for national minorities; and [2] that in the relations between the majority Han Chinese and Chinese belonging to national minorities, the responsibility lay with the Han Chinese to overcome Han chauvinism and to treat the national minorities with respect. These two aspects can be clearly seen in these excerpts from discussions on the Xinjiang issue. From Vol 46 of the Collected Works of Mao Zedong.)</i></span></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Xinjiang must do well in economic work and strengthen
national unity<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20interviews%20by%20Mao/1963-64/Xinjiang%20must%20do%20well%20in%20economic%20work%20and%20strengthen%20national%20unity.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> (28 September 1963)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Agriculture, animal husbandry and industry must develop more
and more every year, the economy must prosper more and more every year, and the
people's lives must improve more and more every year. The development of our
economy and the improvement of people's lives must be better than not only
during the period of Guomindang rule, but also than in the present Soviet
Union. The development of socialist construction requires accumulation, but not
too much accumulation; food must be requisitioned, but the task must not be too
heavy and the requisition must not be excessive. The people's burden must be
eased and their lives improved. The supply of goods to the people of all ethnic
groups in Xinjiang, such as cloth, tea, sugar and other daily necessities,
should be more adequate than in other regions. The Premier<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20interviews%20by%20Mao/1963-64/Xinjiang%20must%20do%20well%20in%20economic%20work%20and%20strengthen%20national%20unity.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
should tell Xiannian<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20interviews%20by%20Mao/1963-64/Xinjiang%20must%20do%20well%20in%20economic%20work%20and%20strengthen%20national%20unity.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
to inform him.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To strengthen ideological and political education, Han
cadres must learn the language and script of ethnic minorities. We must educate
Han cadres and people to strictly abide by the Party's ethnic policy. We must
believe in the vast majority of the ministries and people of all nationalities,
no matter which nationality they are, as long as they are working people. The
Han Chinese working people who have entered Xinjiang must be well settled. The
relationship between the working people of the Han Chinese and the working
people of the ethnic minorities in Xinjiang must be resolved. Because of the
differences in ethnicity, language and living habits, it is necessary to educate
Han Chinese working people on ethnic policies, to teach them to respect the
customs and habits of ethnic minorities, to mobilise them to learn the
languages of ethnic minorities, and to improve relations and solidarity with
ethnic minority working people. We need to help solve the marital and other
problems of Han Chinese working people who have gone to Xinjiang.</span><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20interviews%20by%20Mao/1963-64/Xinjiang%20must%20do%20well%20in%20economic%20work%20and%20strengthen%20national%20unity.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> This
is part of what Mao Zedong said in September 1963 when he summoned some of his
comrades in charge of the Central Committee, including Zhou Enlai and Zhu De,
and Wang Enmao, First Secretary of the CPC Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region
Committee, to discuss the work in Xinjiang.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20interviews%20by%20Mao/1963-64/Xinjiang%20must%20do%20well%20in%20economic%20work%20and%20strengthen%20national%20unity.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> This
refers to Zhou Enlai.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20interviews%20by%20Mao/1963-64/Xinjiang%20must%20do%20well%20in%20economic%20work%20and%20strengthen%20national%20unity.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
This refers to Li Xiannian.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div></div><p class="MsoNormal"><i><o:p></o:p></i></p><p><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-27191864768624649292022-10-02T16:49:00.001-07:002022-10-02T16:49:06.788-07:00Mao Zedong: Depend on ourselves in revolution and construction <p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgu1hPqsu0N7R6hauwzo8Uk3JWaTU79AiR1N3c9iCLgiDPgJZC5XAjsrBhilQ7ZtFwjheYEQS5G4q6UV20D3nTPCyoAHoy__7v39R36R3EH09CGd71wP0eIeMBAwDFTT0JmXm8vd2IrTwn5WaGiytZ1KrVxZGt2kk1ZOP0yAb4YfabI-u0JmA" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="725" height="470" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgu1hPqsu0N7R6hauwzo8Uk3JWaTU79AiR1N3c9iCLgiDPgJZC5XAjsrBhilQ7ZtFwjheYEQS5G4q6UV20D3nTPCyoAHoy__7v39R36R3EH09CGd71wP0eIeMBAwDFTT0JmXm8vd2IrTwn5WaGiytZ1KrVxZGt2kk1ZOP0yAb4YfabI-u0JmA=w640-h470" width="640" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i>(Above: Mao Zedong meets Chairman Aidit of the Indonesian Communist Party on September 3, 1963)</i></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><br /></i></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><i>(Translator's preface: This comes from the Collected Works of Chairman Mao, Vol 46. The Chinese original can be found on bannedthought.net).</i></div><br /><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Depend on ourselves in revolution and construction<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(September 3, 1963)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">We had difficulties for only two and a half years, in 1960,
1961 and the first half of 1962, and things got better in the second half of
1962. Last year we produced more than 10 million tons of grain more than the
year before. This year the situation is a little better. Although there have
been floods in northern China this year, particularly in Hebei and Henan, the
country is likely to produce around 10 million tonnes more grain than last
year. Now we are concentrating on cotton, oilseeds, tobacco and sugar. We have
found a way. We have had two kinds of experience, the wrong experience and the
right experience. The right experience encouraged us, the wrong experience
taught us. The Soviet Union withdrew its experts and broke the contracts, which
was good for us. We had no choice but to rely on ourselves, on our own two
hands. Then the Soviet Union regretted it and wanted to send experts again, to
do business with us, but we refused. If they send us more experts, one day they
will withdraw them and break the contract. They had lost our trust. It was at
this time in 1960 that the Soviets withdrew their experts and now, three years
on, we have developed a lot of our own experience in industrial construction.
When you leave the master, the student learns on his own. There are advantages
and disadvantages to having a teacher. You don't need a teacher. Read, write
and think for yourself. This is a truth. From the founding of the Party in 1921
to 1934, we suffered the consequences of having a teacher, who drafted the
programme and the resolutions of the Central Committee plenum, especially in
1934, which caused us great losses. Since then, we have learned to think for
ourselves. It took us a few years to get to know China. How can Chinese people
not understand the situation in China? The real understanding of independence
began at the Zunyi Conference, which criticised dogmatism. The dogmatists said
that everything was right in the Soviet Union and did not combine the Soviet
experience with the Chinese reality. The slogan of combining the universal
truth of Marxism-Leninism with Chinese practice was put forward during the
Yan'an Rectification. This slogan was included in the Moscow Declaration of
1957, which said that the universal truths of Marxism-Leninism should be
combined with the concrete practice of each country. Foreign experience, no
matter which country it is, can only be used for reference.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> This
was part of a conversation between Mao Zedong and a delegation from the
Indonesian Communist Party, led by N.D.Adit.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-13404159006684694422022-08-30T21:54:00.000-07:002022-08-30T21:54:09.103-07:00Book review: Mao Zedong: The Stormy Road of his Last Seven Years <p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiiPhEKHYRu8my4klN_ibxxE7-u9fuX5o3wKwN0Js5ygrOI4bi6RatfC1yth4Fg16mnO90kBOp12BjRh0PPBjosmLpmJkwfIpTeco4nhTkzJCjdlQdenpC0tmsZa6feXizLMo6Y6zzA-MsriuDniwu4S8xSErsrWYHylIg7MjlbA-Py1hr2NQ/s1468/Mao%20the%20last%207%20years%20of%20his%20life.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1468" data-original-width="1080" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiiPhEKHYRu8my4klN_ibxxE7-u9fuX5o3wKwN0Js5ygrOI4bi6RatfC1yth4Fg16mnO90kBOp12BjRh0PPBjosmLpmJkwfIpTeco4nhTkzJCjdlQdenpC0tmsZa6feXizLMo6Y6zzA-MsriuDniwu4S8xSErsrWYHylIg7MjlbA-Py1hr2NQ/w294-h400/Mao%20the%20last%207%20years%20of%20his%20life.jpg" width="294" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">A great man in his twilight years: Does a true hero have
to be heartless? Surely a real man may love his young son.<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(Translator’s note: This book review was posted on the
leftist Chinese website, Utopia, on August 30, 2022. It is an appreciation of
Mao’s personal character and love for his people.)<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">At first glance, the title of gives you a sense of its
distinctiveness. The so-called "last seven years" refers to the
period from <i>Mao Zedong: The Stormy Road of his Last Seven Years</i> 1970 to
1976. It has an extraordinary significance for Chairman Mao personally and for
the history of the People's Republic of China as a whole.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">From reading the ancient book "old tears and
weeping"<a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
to watching movies "couldn't hold back the old tears, and the film had to
be interrupted", and even "howling and crying" when he heard the
great shock<a href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.
The broad sentiments of the common people are beyond words, and the descendants
will surely mourn him even thousands of years later.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Wang Xinde, a member of Chairman Mao's medical team and a
specialist in neurology and geriatrics, recalled: "The reports sent in on
the earthquake were all personally looked into by the Chairman, despite his
personal illness.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">“The earthquake killed more than 240,000 people, and the
other damage was incalculable. When the secretary reported the extremely heavy
damage caused by the earthquake, the Chairman wept - the first time I had seen
him bawling in person." It was a really emotional read, tossing and
turning.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Does a true hero have to be heartless? Surely a real man may
love his young son. Chairman Mao believed in the masses all his life, relied on
the masses, emphasized organizing and educating the masses, and maintained a
deep and natural affection for the masses. What is more, what about such a rare
earthquake? The earth moved, the people suffered, people's livelihoods were
difficult, the country's fortunes were up and down, and it was a national
tragedy to cry out.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEj1_FB11NDzQMrwT21kPeY-C8vcujyKNJVuUuYmaWwX3kLUyIF8WChjFmXKo8-c8Aijo_W62lPcNq-Cg7zZN_HgM8a6DeG3TLF_KdmGXm7kl9CFKhSjmF_0y5TaSrMqq_F5LEMZUL_WzLu7pFiHLkf54DhmEt7qkNq0OTYa7gsG7YdPRQiv_Q" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="420" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEj1_FB11NDzQMrwT21kPeY-C8vcujyKNJVuUuYmaWwX3kLUyIF8WChjFmXKo8-c8Aijo_W62lPcNq-Cg7zZN_HgM8a6DeG3TLF_KdmGXm7kl9CFKhSjmF_0y5TaSrMqq_F5LEMZUL_WzLu7pFiHLkf54DhmEt7qkNq0OTYa7gsG7YdPRQiv_Q=w373-h400" width="373" /></a></div><br /><br /><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Judging from the author's records, Chairman Mao has a strong
affection for Lin Biao, who betrayed the country, for Liu Shaoqi, who did not
support the Cultural Revolution, and for Deng Xiaoping, who was removed from
office as a capitalist-roader<a href="#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.
"Rain will fall, and women will marry. Let him go."<a href="#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
This is the helplessness and sadness towards Lin who was repeatedly given
opportunities to correct his mistakes. At that time, Chairman Mao was more
heartbroken than anyone else.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">After reading this book, the vivid image of Chairman Mao's
last seven years remains before my eyes and in my heart. Undoubtedly, Chairman
Mao was a great man among great men, a man of family and country, with a heart
that was endowed with ideals from his youth, and who never wavered in his
determination; Chairman Mao was also a warm figure, all poetic, and in his
later years he was so emotionally turbulent that a single lyric could make him
lose his voice and cry.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Many people are evaluating the merits and faults of Chairman
Mao. After reading the book, I feel that the Foolish Old Man<a href="#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Chairman Mao is worthy of the people, he is a party leader who adheres to the
party spirit and strictly adheres to the party discipline, at all times and in
all places, he is devoted to the people's blood.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In private, from the three 28-year journeys of his life, it
is clear that he never thought of himself, and his children were not given
special care because of their special status. In his later years, Chairman Mao
was alone, but with the building and future of a new China in his heart.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It can be said that the Lin Biao incident dealt a heavy blow
to Chairman Mao's expectations of a successor and destroyed his health. The
relentless contradictions of ideal and reality, time and space plagued this
ageing giant.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEguIHYdCrRWeDw4iK5BMC96KsWox9lpyWwT3PKmoIyH2VYEogh6yMOWW38Uy07HtHrqpuAqFV-6AD_p7_QNMl-T8-ClmgbVeIno4uN4WQm-5KdT7FA9_SlQPna6bKzjY_1NCb8lClpjdUkbgeg4HGcx_8EPSwXh5dwsMN2MURcj4WYP_Ip4jA" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="417" data-original-width="415" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEguIHYdCrRWeDw4iK5BMC96KsWox9lpyWwT3PKmoIyH2VYEogh6yMOWW38Uy07HtHrqpuAqFV-6AD_p7_QNMl-T8-ClmgbVeIno4uN4WQm-5KdT7FA9_SlQPna6bKzjY_1NCb8lClpjdUkbgeg4HGcx_8EPSwXh5dwsMN2MURcj4WYP_Ip4jA=w398-h400" width="398" /></a></div><br /><br /><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Even in his twilight years, even though he was suffering
from the loneliness of countless people who did not understand or approve of
him, and even though he faced the constant pain of his illness, he was still
able to look at his illness with the same determination as a mountain and carry
out his heavy and tiring work.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Even with a serious eye disease and a serious decline in
physical functions, he still kept on pursuing progress and made time to swim in
the sea of learning. This book made me feel deeply the greatness and fearlessness
of a soul with its head held high, an unreachable beacon in the history of the
human spirit!<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I am not so politically savvy, but I am convinced: the study
and summing up of his later years will require many generations of calm and
serious contemplation.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The greatest feeling one gets from this book is that the
reason why Chairman Mao is worshipped by the people like a god is because he
had the people in his heart and the suffering people all over the world; that
Chairman Mao was loved by the people because he was clothed, fed and housed
like the ordinary people, and that he was truly the people's son; that Chairman
Mao is loved by the brotherly friendship of the Third World, including Asia,
Africa and Latin America, because he understands that true friendship is seen
in times of trouble; that Chairman Mao was held in awe by the heads of world
powers because of his wisdom and foresight, having seen the world so clearly
that, in the words of Nixon's memoirs, "I dared not speak much before him;
his eyes seemed to have seen straight through me " and "I was like an
erring student. He was like a stern gentleman who did not dare to say
much".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This book was written by writer Gu Baozi, whose vision of
the red years was always full of passion and dreams. In special times, the
leader's attempt is only for a "better life" for the country; "dreams
are essentially the predecessor of ideals. It does take a lot to realise that
ideal."<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjeeeiGl_AOruk5RQ1qGcfw-mByDjxQK01_ESHX6lIrArkStRtKsjiDck_pq9QcRkfRtz4NpuQHteLCLqmEpLlVpZnEcXBZ6QWFdB4FENdETutGMaxexwJ-PAL8ARnRhyv2_NT7qmmfnX20P8nEu9lMtxot4o8Y0YntYGT6c7h29KOEGQe6xw" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="433" data-original-width="481" height="360" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjeeeiGl_AOruk5RQ1qGcfw-mByDjxQK01_ESHX6lIrArkStRtKsjiDck_pq9QcRkfRtz4NpuQHteLCLqmEpLlVpZnEcXBZ6QWFdB4FENdETutGMaxexwJ-PAL8ARnRhyv2_NT7qmmfnX20P8nEu9lMtxot4o8Y0YntYGT6c7h29KOEGQe6xw=w400-h360" width="400" /></a></div><br /><br /><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This historically rich documentary work objectively portrays
Chairman Mao's last seven years of his life, and truly recreates a series of
major historical events and state affairs of the Republic from 1970 to 1976.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Based on available historical materials and first-hand
materials, the work is written with the same rigour as the creation of
historical subjects. "The book is a vivid restoration of the great and
ordinary deeds of historical figures such as Chairman Mao and Zhou Enlai, and
the death of the first generation of leaders and the crushing of the "Gang
of Four".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The book contains nearly 200 rare historical photographs,
all taken exclusively by Zhongnanhai photographer Mr Du Xiuxian. Many of these
photographs are being published for the first time, and many are restored to
colour for the first time. They tell the story of the fate of many political
figures, reflecting their flesh-and-blood realities as well as recording the
ups and downs of their political careers and journeys. Undoubtedly, "<i>Mao
Zedong: The Stormy Road of his Last Seven Years</i> " is a rare
documentary with rich illustrations, informative materials, authentic content,
vivid and interesting, readable and collectible at the same time.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This is the first book to focus on the last seven years of
the great man's life, recalling the stormy years of the Republic and recreating
the life of Chairman Mao in his twilight years.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The twilight of a martyr is a magnificent time. The twilight
of a great man is also the most glorious and magnificent of all.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Translated from: <a href="http://m.wyzxwk.com/content.php?classid=30&id=462121"><span lang="ZH-CN">伟人迟暮:无情未必真豪杰,怜民如何不丈夫-乌有之乡</span>
(wyzxwk.com)</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
These are lines from Lu Xun’s poem <i>Riposte to a friend, </i>reflecting his
love for the younger generation. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
This is a line from the Tang Dynasty poet Du Fu's "<i>Three Songs of Qiang
Village</i>". It captures Mao’s response to reading a lament from the
past. In mid-1975, Chairman Mao suffered from cataracts and was nearly blind in
both eyes. Later, after ophthalmic surgery, he could only see with one eye. One
day, the attending physician Tang Youzhi went to visit Chairman Mao and found Chairman
Mao holding a book in his hand, and the old man was weeping, but there were no
tears because of his eye problems. Chairman Mao was reading the Southern Song
Dynasty poet Chen Liang's "Nian Nu Jiao Dengduojing Lou" which
expressed sadness at the failure to unify the north and south of China.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
This refers to the Tangshan Earthquake.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The author disguises these references to escape detection by algorithmic searches.
The three persons are only referred to by their surnames, and the pinyin words “ge”
(revolution) and “zi” (capitalist) are used in place of characters: “<span lang="ZH-CN">对于叛国的林,到不支持文</span>ge<span lang="ZH-CN">的刘,包括被作为走</span>zi<span lang="ZH-CN">派罢免职务的邓</span>”.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn5">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
This fatalistic expression was used by Mao when told of Lin Biao’s flight and
attempted escape from China.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> If
you are unsure of this reference, please see: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-3/mswv3_26.htm">THE
FOOLISH OLD MAN WHO REMOVED THE MOUNTAINS (marxists.org)</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
</div></div><p><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-45724938946200154352022-08-28T19:41:00.001-07:002022-08-28T19:41:50.850-07:00Zhang Jiao: The Theoretical Origins of "Continuing Revolution under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat”<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibMB5VPEca2cZlS1G6wIybT5FWwnMbHPMw9ZqukP8IdeQdFgXpKq6S-qz0bgAyaZog-O0fpWHHaV5aSPleS27u6R8bW9__-gggWyuwuL3l9DnOQL4BWYuKVa9nBoqsQH5ftUaMF__btdjw28VF0J4Da1Ia09YYY4g3OeLudLo1HzR4DaRqwA/s415/Gucci%20window.BMP" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="290" data-original-width="415" height="448" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibMB5VPEca2cZlS1G6wIybT5FWwnMbHPMw9ZqukP8IdeQdFgXpKq6S-qz0bgAyaZog-O0fpWHHaV5aSPleS27u6R8bW9__-gggWyuwuL3l9DnOQL4BWYuKVa9nBoqsQH5ftUaMF__btdjw28VF0J4Da1Ia09YYY4g3OeLudLo1HzR4DaRqwA/w640-h448/Gucci%20window.BMP" width="640" /></a></span></i></div><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br />(Translator’s preface: Contemporary Chinese
Marxist-Leninist-Maoists are generating a deeper understanding of ideological issues
relating to the working class’s loss of power with the restoration of
capitalism, and the challenges facing Communists who aim to restore power to
the proletariat. This 2021 article is representative of their views.) <o:p></o:p></span></i><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I. Stalin's transitional role in the development of
theory and his contribution<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In the whole history of the development of
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Stalin played a transitional role, which is a major
issue and involves the continuity of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This article will
only give a brief overview of Stalin's transitional role in the development of
the theory of "continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the
proletariat" and his contribution to it. The failings of Stalin's theory
also reveal the originality of Maoism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Allow me to quote in full from Stalin's famous essay
"On the Danger of the Right Deviation in the Communist Party of the United
States":<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Under capitalist conditions the
Right deviation in communism signifies a tendency, an inclination that has not yet
taken shape, it is true, and is perhaps not yet consciously realised, but
nevertheless a tendency of a section of the Communists to depart from the
revolutionary line of Marxism in the direction of Social-Democracy. When
certain groups of Communists deny the expediency of the slogan "Class
against class" in election campaigns (France), or are opposed to the
Communist Party nominating its own candidates (Britain), or are disinclined to
make a sharp issue of the fight against "Left" Social-Democracy (Germany),
etc., etc., it means that there are people in the Communist Parties who are
striving to adapt communism to Social-Democratism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">A victory of the Right deviation in
the Communist Parties of the capitalist countries would mean the ideological
rout of the Communist Parties and an enormous strengthening of
Social-Democratism. And what does an enormous strengthening of
Social-Democratism mean? It means the strengthening and consolidation of
capitalism, for Social-Democracy is the main support of capitalism in the
working class.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Consequently, a victory of the
Right deviation in the Communist Parties of the capitalist countries would lead
to a development of the conditions necessary for the preservation of
capitalism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Under the conditions of Soviet
development, when capitalism has already been overthrown, but its roots have
not yet been torn out, the Right deviation in communism signifies a tendency,
an inclination that has not yet taken shape, it is true, and is perhaps not yet
consciously realised, but nevertheless a tendency of a section of the
Communists to depart from the general line of our Party in the direction of
bourgeois ideology. When certain circles of our Communists strive to drag the
Party back from the decisions of the Fifteenth Congress, by denying the need
for an offensive against the capitalist elements in the countryside; or demand
a contraction of our industry, in the belief that its present rapid rate of
development is fatal for the country; or deny the expediency of subsidies to
the collective farms and state farms, in the belief that such subsidies are
money thrown to the winds; or deny the expediency of fighting against
bureaucracy by methods of self-criticism, in the belief that self-criticism
undermines our apparatus; or demand that the monopoly of foreign trade be
relaxed, etc., etc., it means that there are people in the ranks of our Party
who are striving, perhaps without themselves realising it, to adapt our
socialist construction to the tastes and requirements of the "Soviet"
bourgeoisie.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">A victory of the Right deviation in
our Party would mean an enormous strengthening of the capitalist elements in
our country. And what does the strengthening of the capitalist elements in our
country mean? It means weakening the proletarian dictatorship and increasing
the chances of the restoration of capitalism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Consequently, a victory of the
Right deviation in our Party would mean a development of the conditions
necessary for the restoration of capitalism in our country.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Have we in our Soviet country any
of the conditions that would make the restoration of capitalism possible? Yes,
we have. That, comrades, may appear strange, but it is a fact. We have
overthrown capitalism, we have established the dictatorship of the proletariat,
we are developing our socialist industry at a rapid pace and are linking
peasant economy with it. But we have not yet torn out the roots of capitalism.
Where are these roots imbedded? They are imbedded in commodity production, in
small production in the towns and, especially, the countryside.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">As Lenin says, the strength of
capitalism lies "in the strength of small production. For, unfortunately,
small production is still very, very widespread in the world, and small
production engenders capitalism and the bourgeoisie continuously, daily,
hourly, spontaneously, and on a mass scale" (see Vol. XXV, p. 173).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It is clear that, since small
production bears a mass, and even a predominant character in our country, and
since it engenders capitalism and the bourgeoisie continuously and on a mass
scale, particularly under the conditions of NEP, we have in our country
conditions which make the restoration of capitalism possible.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Have we in our Soviet country the
necessary means and forces to abolish, to eliminate the possibility of the
restoration of capitalism? Yes, we have. And it is this fact that proves the
correctness of Lenin's thesis on the possibility of building a complete
socialist society in the U.S.S.R. For this purpose it is necessary to consolidate
the dictatorship of the proletariat strengthen the alliance between the working
class and peasantry, develop our key positions from the standpoint of
industrialising the country, develop industry at a rapid rate, electrify the
country, place the whole of our national economy on a new technical basis,
organise the peasantry into co-operatives on a mass scale and increase the
yield of its farms, gradually unite the individual peasant farms into socially
conducted, collective farms, develop state farms, restrict and overcome the
capitalist elements in town and country, etc., etc. Here is what Lenin says on
this subject:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"As long as we live in a
small-peasant country, there is a surer economic basis for capitalism in Russia
than for communism. This must be borne in mind. Anyone who has carefully
observed life in the countryside, as compared with life in the towns, knows
that we have not torn out the roots of capitalism and have not undermined the
foundation, the basis of the internal enemy. The latter depends on small-scale
production, and there is only one way of undermining it, namely, to place the
economy of the country, including agriculture, on a new technical basis, the
technical basis of modern large-scale production. And it is only electricity
that is such a basis. Communism is Soviet power plus the electrification of the
whole country. Otherwise, the country will remain a small-peasant country, and
we have got to understand that clearly. We are weaker than capitalism, not only
on a world scale, but also within the country. Everybody knows this. We are
conscious of it, and we shall see to it that our economic base is transformed
from a small-peasant base into a large-scale industrial base. Only when the
country has been electrified, only when our industry, our agriculture, our
transport system have been placed upon the technical basis of modern
large-scale industry shall we achieve final victory" (Vol. XXVI, pp.
46-47).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It follows, firstly, that as long
as we live in a small-peasant country, as long as we have not torn out the
roots of capitalism, there is a surer economic basis for capitalism than for
communism. It may happen that you cut down a tree but fail to tear out the
roots; your strength does not suffice for this. Hence the possibility of the
restoration of capitalism in our country.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Secondly, it follows that besides
the possibility of the restoration of capitalism there is also the possibility
of the victory of socialism in our country, because we can destroy the
possibility of the restoration of capitalism, we can tear out the roots of
capitalism and achieve final victory over capitalism in our country, if we
intensify the work of electrifying the country, if we place our industry,
agriculture and transport on the technical basis of modern, large-scale
industry. Hence the possibility of the victory of socialism in our country.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Lastly, it follows that we cannot
build socialism in industry alone and leave agriculture to the mercy of
spontaneous development on the assumption that the countryside will "move
by itself" following the lead of the towns. The existence of socialist
industry in the towns is the principal factor in the socialist transformation
of the countryside. But it does not mean that that factor is quite sufficient.
If the socialist towns are to take the lead of the peasant countryside all the
way, it is essential, as Lenin says, "to place the economy of the country,
including agriculture, on a new technical basis, the technical basis of modern
large-scale production."<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The right deviation within the party discussed by Stalin is
actually the issue of revisionism within the Communist Party. This problem has
been around for a long time, starting with the Second International, even
though Lenin had renamed the Social Democratic Labour Party the "Communist
Party", or if the right-leaning opportunist faction within the Communist Party
of Nepal-Maoist adopted the guise of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the problem has
always existed. It was the first problem in the development of the communist
movement.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Related to this, we would also like to cite two recent
achievements of contemporary Marxist-Leninist-Maoists: Chen Bin's "Two
Dark Clouds" in the <i>History of the Theory of the Dictatorship of the
Proletariat</i>, and the first section of "Mao Zedong and Stalin's Views
on Class Struggle in Socialist Society" in Zhang Zheng's <i>Some Thoughts
on the Theory of Continued Revolution of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">When Stalin made his report on the new constitution of the
USSR at the Supreme Soviet in 1936, after the basic establishment of socialism
in the USSR, he openly declared to the world that class contradictions and
class struggles no longer existed in the USSR. His main point was as follows:
since a socialist social system had been established in the USSR and private
ownership of the means of production had been eliminated, only workers,
peasants and working intellectuals remained in the USSR, and there were no
class contradictions between them. In other words, he believed that class
contradictions and class struggles could not arise within a socialist society.
The main task of a socialist society was therefore to develop production. This
was a view he held throughout his life. But he never denied the existence of
class struggles in socialist society, except that he believed that these class
struggles were due to the remnants of the old exploiting class or the spies
sent by imperialism to cause mischief. That is why he relied mainly on the
secret dictatorship to carry out the class struggle and the "great
purge".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">His claim that "with the triumph of socialism the class
struggle will become more and more acute" (in fact his original statement
was "the remnants of the class struggle will then take on increasingly
acute forms", the preceding sentence being a distortion by Khrushchev. Nor
did he ever say that "in a socialist society the class struggle will
become more and more violent and widen.") It is in this sense that the
more desperate the remnants of the old exploiting classes and imperialism
become as a result of the triumph of socialism, the more desperate their
destructive actions become.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In fact, Stalin's ideas were the germ of the later
"party of the whole people" and "state of the whole people".
Moreover, from Hoxha to Kim Jong-il and up to the present Communist Party of
China, Stalin's views were actually acknowledged (the Party constitution still
says that "class struggle exists within certain limits"!)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">And Chairman Mao's view was completely different from
Stalin's. Chairman Mao believed that there were class contradictions and class
struggles within socialist society. The bourgeoisie was within the Party. It
was entirely possible for a new bourgeoisie to arise in a socialist society.
The proletariat must take the class struggle as its platform, defeat the
capitalists, restrict, reform and eliminate bourgeois right, and continue the
revolution in the field of the superstructure and economic base; only in this
way can the transition from socialism to communism be completed.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It must be pointed out that the two phenomena of "the
party changing its practice" and "the state changing its colour"
are different aspects of the same contradiction, and when one side of the
contradiction is dominant, it determines the other side of the contradiction.
There is no mechanical causality between the two, nor can they be simply
classified as mechanical determinism. The broad-left in China often thinks
confusedly and goes astray on this issue - in constant despair and in constant
emptiness.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Stalin had already recognised the inevitable link between
the rightward shift in the party and the restoration of capitalism as his
contribution. This has been demonstrated many times in our quotations. But the
explanation he gives is one-sided: small production is constantly, daily,
spontaneously and in large numbers producing capitalism and the bourgeoisie.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Because his explanation is one-sided, all the prescriptions
given are for small production. That is, to use socialist large-scale
production to defeat "small production". History has proved that
Stalin fell into productivity theory, into mechanical determinism and
causality.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">At the same time, Stalin's idea of citing "small
production" to demonstrate restoration, was also inherited by the
Marxist-Leninist-Maoists and carried forward.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">For a more comprehensive explanation by the
Marxist-Leninist-Maoists, see Comrade Chunqiao's "On Exercising All-Round
Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
for details. On the one hand, Comrade Chunqiao also quoted Lenin's exposition
on "small production", but what is more original is that he
profoundly expounded some of Chairman Mao's thesis:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="background: white;">Comrades may recall how we turned any enterprise owned by
bureaucrat capital or national capital into a socialist enterprise. Didn't we
do the job by sending a military-control representative or a state
representative there to transform it according to the Party's line and
policies? Historically, every major change in the system of ownership, be it
the replacement of slavery by the feudal system or of feudalism by capitalism,
was invariably preceded by the seizure of political power, which was then used
to effect large-scale change in the system of ownership and consolidate and
develop the new system. Even more is this the case with socialist public
ownership which cannot be born under the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
Bureaucrat capital, which controlled 80 per cent of the industry in old China,
could be transformed and placed under ownership by the whole people only after
the People's Liberation Army had defeated Chiang Kai-shek. Similarly, a
capitalist restoration is inevitably preceded by the seizure of leadership and
a change in the line and policies of the Party. Wasn't this the way Khrushchov
and Brezhnev changed the system of ownership in the Soviet Union? Wasn't this
the way Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao changed the nature of a number of our
factories and other enterprises to varying degrees?</span><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="background: white; color: black; line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This is a major innovation of Maoism, which allows us to analyse
"mass production" from the perspective of class. Is it socialist mass
production? Or is it capitalist mass production (i.e. bureaucratic monopoly)?
This is a big question of right and wrong. This is where Stalin's theory falls
short.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Comrade Chunqiao's incisive analysis was equally endorsed by
Chairman Mao: <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">After the democratic revolution,
the workers and poor peasants did not stop, they wanted a revolution. A section
of the Party members, on the other hand, did not want to move forward; some of
them retreated and opposed the revolution. Why? Having become big officials,
they wanted to protect the interests of the big officials. They have good
houses, cars, high salaries and waiters, and they are even better than the
capitalists. With the socialist revolution they themselves [i.e. the capitalist
roaders—Ed.] come under fire. At the time of the cooperative transformation of
agriculture there were people in the Party opposed, and when it came to
criticizing bourgeois right, they were resentful. You are making the socialist
revolution, and yet you don’t know where the bourgeoisie is. It is right inside
the Communist Party -those in power taking the capitalist road. The capitalist
roaders are still on the capitalist road.<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">From the restoration process of Chinese revisionism, we can
see that "small production" only gave birth to the general
bourgeoisie, while the "authorities" formed the bureaucratic monopoly
bourgeoisie. ZTE is making waves<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.
And the culprits are definitely those in power who take the capitalist road.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Therefore, Stalin's use of "small production" to
explain restoration and prevent restoration is completely putting the cart
before the horse. The capitalist roaders can absolutely take "ruthless
strikes" against "small production" and destroy "small
production" without mercy. But when it comes to "breaking down bourgeois
right", they are going to peel off their skins and reveal their
hideousness.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">II. The originality of Maoist theory<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To sum up, we can get a clear insight: "It is a major
innovation of Maoism to deal with the emergence of revisionism from the
perspective of leadership".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In "A
Brief Discussion of Political Parties" we said: "Political parties
are as much a product of private ownership as the state, and tautologically,
they are a product of class struggle. A study of political parties without an
analysis of the class struggle is bound to lead to absurd political
conclusions. Political parties, in class society, always manifest themselves as
political organisations formed by a certain class or stratum in the class
struggle to gain, dominate and retain power (By the Power, Of the Power, For
the Power)." In "On Class Struggle, Productive Forces and Relations
of Production, Technology" it is mentioned that " Class struggle
directly determines history. But the class struggle itself is a product of the
contradiction between the productive forces and the relations of
production."<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">These few
points above will serve as a laying out of our account of originality.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">We believe
that it was Chairman Mao who, in a strict and scientific application of the
materialist conception of history, drew the only correct conclusion from the
experience of his predecessors, both positive and negative: that the
restoration of capitalism was the result of the loss of leadership of the
proletariat, which was in the hands of those in power on the capitalist road,
and that these powers had to be taken back. The change of power, on the other
hand, is due to the existence of bourgeois right; nevertheless, we have to keep
a country without a bourgeoisie but with a great deal of bourgeois right (an
insurmountable historical stage), for which the dictatorship of the proletariat
is necessarily consolidated by the repeated struggle for leadership.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Is the word
leadership abrupt? Is it not rooted in the general treasury of Marxism? It is
not. The essence of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is about leadership. Leadership is
the "acquisition, domination and retention of power", and the class
struggle is the struggle of different classes for leadership, so the whole
process of history is the repeated change of leadership. If we forget who has
the leadership, we are forgetting the fundamentals of political struggle.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Therefore,
the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat is not a one-off, and
the vanguard of the proletariat will continue to lead the people in the
"struggle for leadership". In the early years of the dictatorship of
the proletariat, a great deal of bourgeois right was retained, so the core of
the "struggle for leadership" was to limit or eliminate
"bourgeois right". Restoration is not inevitable, but
anti-restoration is inevitable, this is the dialectic of history.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Bourgeois right
is inevitable at a certain stage in history, but it is also a product of
history and will go the other way. In this sense, it is inevitable that mankind
will continue its revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat until
its ultimate victory. Chairman Mao has scientifically pointed out the actual
path of mankind towards communism: the future is bright, the road is tortuous.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Some broad-leftists
ignorantly claim that "continuing the revolution" is only something
that happens after the proletariat has seized power. This is in fact very
wrong. The theory of "continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the
proletariat" is the latest and most comprehensive exposition of the theory
of the dictatorship of the proletariat, covering the entire essence of the
theory from Marx to Lenin and Stalin. The theory of "continuing the
revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat" can perfectly guide
the proletariat to seize power and consolidate it until its final victory.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Why is this
so? Because the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat from Marx to
Lenin and Stalin was not complete and could not perfectly explain the
phenomenon of the restoration, so in contemporary China it would be impossible
to effectively mobilise the people to take up arms in their hands. When the
people do not understand much about the restoration, revolutionary mobilisation
is not going to convince them, and certainly other opportunist whims are even
more difficult to convince. The fundamental reason for the revolutionary
downturn in China today is that the people do not have a scientific
understanding of the capitalist restoration. The people do not have the
ideological weapons to fight against the arbitrary expropriation and mental
oppression of the reactionaries for more than 40 years. Therefore, we must
instil in them the theory of "continuing the revolution under the
dictatorship of the proletariat" so that they can grasp this theory. Once
this spiritual atomic bomb is in their hands, the reactionary faction will be
destroyed. This process of enlightenment is also the initiation and launching
of the revolution.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">On the
other hand, the deepest oppression felt by the people in China today is not
"hunger", but a state of "powerlessness": because they have
no power, they have no rights. For example, they call themselves "fart
people"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
they speak like a fart<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
and live like a fart. Compared to the terms "grass people"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
and "grassroots", "fart people" is the biggest mockery of
the River Crab empire<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.
The bourgeoisie in general, the "broad-right", explains this slightly
more accurately than the "broad-left".<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">If we started our own companies, we'd know the importance of property
rights protection. If we were journalists ourselves, we'd know how important
freedom of expression is. If we were booksellers, we would know how important
freedom of publication is. If we were lawyers, we would know the importance of
judicial independence. If we invent, we know the importance of the
privatisation of intellectual property. If we work in NGOs, we know the
importance of democratic popular self-government. If we live among peasants, we
know how much they want ownership of rural land and other natural resources for
themselves. If we work in state-owned enterprises, we know how corrupt and
inefficient they are. If we work in the import-export trade, we know how
precious the right to free trade is. --Yang Peng: "The leftists themselves
have to fight for their rights - a response to our friends in Utopia”.<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(Note: the
general bourgeoisie of the "broad-right" are making superficial
statements to conceal their real intention to share "power" with the
monopoly bourgeoisie).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The broad-right's
judgement of social contradictions is that:<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">After more than 30 years of market reforms and sustained economic
growth, lack of food and clothing is no longer the main source of social
conflict. Although the phenomenon of scarcity of private goods still exists in
some regions or groups of people, we can say that the time when extreme
scarcity of private goods became a major social conflict is over. The end of
one major contradiction, however, has given rise to a new major contradiction.
10 years ago, the major contradiction was diluted by "picking up the bowl
and eating the meat", while today's major contradiction has been
highlighted by "putting down the chopsticks and scolding the mother".<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Why do people curse when they have had enough? Maybe they hate corrupt
officials, maybe they hate judicial corruption, maybe they hate land
expropriation, maybe they hate not being able to find a job, maybe they hate
having nowhere to complain about their grievances, maybe they hate high fees
for education and health care, maybe they hate social insecurity. ...... All
these complaints are about the shortage of public goods. What is a public good?
Public goods are goods or services that cost taxpayers' tax money and are
provided by public authorities to serve the public interest of society.
Tangible goods such as national parks, state-owned roads and nature reserves
are public goods; so are intangible services such as impartial law, policy and
order. Efficient and fair supply of public goods is the basic condition for
ensuring harmonious social development. --Yang Peng: "What is the current
major contradiction in Chinese society?”<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The broad-left's
descriptions of the social problems are totally incoherent, always trying to
make a nationalist point: China was colonised by the US, China was led down an
evil path by the capitalist reformists, there was a traitorous group of compradors
in China, etc. We will not go into this again.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Marxist-Leninist-Maoists
believe that all the problems in China now are due to the restoration of
capitalism. The most striking feature is that the people have been deprived of
their "right to lead", because they have no power and therefore no
rights. The only way to solve this problem is to take back the leadership. That
is to say, to compete with the bourgeoisie for leadership, that is to say, to
re-establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, that is to say, to achieve a
total dictatorship over the bourgeoisie. Two simple words: " take back the
power".<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">There are
many different kinds of "rights": the right to speak, the right to
own, the right to live, and so on, but in the end, it is "power". How
did the people lose these rights? How can the people regain these rights? Only
the theory of "continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the
proletariat" can explain and answer this.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This is the
most significant difference between the contemporary Marxist-Leninist-Maoists
and the international and domestic broad-leftists, and is also a vivid
manifestation of the originality of the theory of "continuing the revolution
under the dictatorship of the proletariat".<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">See: </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/zhang/1975/x01/x01.htm">On
Exercising All-Round Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie (marxists.org)</a><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Mao made these comments in early 1976.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Mao also made these remarks in early 1976.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> ZTE
Corporation is a Chinese partially state-owned but privately-run technology
company that specializes in telecommunication. Founded in 1985, ZTE is listed
on both the Hong Kong and Shenzhen Stock Exchanges. It operates globally.<span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn5">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> “Fart
people”, is a new word on the Internet, the same as the English “shitizen”. It
refers to ordinary people who have no influence and no importance. "Fart
people" gradually replaced "grass people" and became synonymous
with ordinary people.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> To
“fangpi” is both to fart and to speak nonsense.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn7">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">A self-deprecatory term originating
in Confucian times. It meant that the "little people" are like grass,
and when the "wind" of the "virtue of a gentleman" blows,
they will surely fall down and cannot stand up straight.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn8">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">The word </span><span lang="ZH-CN">河蟹</span><span lang="ZH-CN"> </span><span lang="EN-US">(héxiè) means “river crab”, and is a homonym
for </span><span lang="ZH-CN">和谐</span><span lang="ZH-CN"> </span><span lang="EN-US">(héxié) meaning “harmony”. The
capitalist-roaders have imposed a policy of the “harmonious society” on the
Chinese people so as to repress any political sensitivities that challenge
their rule. In some discussion forums in China, the word harmony itself has
become a banned keyword. To circumvent this blockade, netizens replaced it with
"river crab" or other homonyms.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn9">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">The Utopia website was originally established
as a website supporting Mao’s policies, but after being closed down several
times, it now has a broad-left orientation and survives by falling into line
with Xi Jinping’s views.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
</div><p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Zhang%20Jiao%20on%20the%20origins%20of%20cont%20rev%20under%20dictaprol.docx#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[10]</span></span></span></a> "Lifting
the bowl to eat meat, putting down chopsticks and scolding the mother" is
a special phenomenon that appeared after the reform and opening up. It is a
phrase used by the right-wing to criticise people who live well but are
socially dissatisfied. They are accused
of being ungrateful and of not having a conscience. </span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-74127479191059592352022-08-27T03:36:00.008-07:002022-08-27T03:45:13.910-07:00Zhang Jiao: On leadership and bourgeois right - the theoretical basis for restoration and counter-restoration<p> </p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i>(Translator’s preface: This article appeared on the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
Masses website on April 21, 2021<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></i><a href="https://mlmmlm.icu/t/topic/834"><span lang="ZH-CN">张角:论领导权与资产阶级法权</span>——<span lang="ZH-CN">复辟与反复辟的理论依据</span>
- <span lang="ZH-CN">学习导引</span> - <span lang="ZH-CN">马列毛群众</span>
(mlmmlm.icu)</a> <i>. It is a website of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists, who
operate under conditions of repression inside today’s capitalist and
social-imperialist China. This article explains Marx’ concept of “bourgeois
right” in the context of the struggle between adherents of the socialist and
capitalist roads in China.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I have added
a couple of footnotes where I though they might be useful.)</i> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I. Introduction<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">What are the causes of the restoration of capitalism under
the dictatorship of the proletariat?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Let us begin with a passage from Comrade Chunqiao, who
speaks of both bourgeois right and "leadership".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="background: white; color: black;">… it is incorrect
to give no weight to whether the issue of ownership has been resolved merely in
form or in actual fact, to the reaction upon the system of ownership exerted by
the two other aspects of the relations of production — the relations among
people and the form of distribution — and to the reaction upon the economic
base exerted by the superstructure; these two aspects and the superstructure
may play a decisive role under given conditions. Politics is the concentrated
expression of economics. Whether the ideological and political line is correct
or incorrect, and which class holds the leadership, decides which class owns
those factories in actual fact. Comrades may recall how we turned any
enterprise owned by bureaucrat capital or national capital into a socialist
enterprise. Didn't we do the job by sending a military-control representative
or a state representative there to transform it according to the Party's line
and policies? Historically, every major change in the system of ownership, be
it the replacement of slavery by the feudal system or of feudalism by
capitalism, was invariably preceded by the seizure of political power, which
was then used to effect large-scale change in the system of ownership and
consolidate and develop the new system. Even more is this the case with
socialist public ownership which cannot be born under the dictatorship of the
bourgeoisie. Bureaucrat capital, which controlled 80 per cent of the industry
in old China, could be transformed and placed under ownership by the whole
people only after the People's Liberation Army had defeated Chiang Kai-shek.
Similarly, a capitalist restoration is inevitably preceded by the seizure of
leadership and a change in the line and policies of the Party. Wasn't this the
way Khrushchov and Brezhnev changed the system of ownership in the Soviet
Union? Wasn't this the way Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao changed the nature of a
number of our factories and other enterprises to varying degrees?</span>--On
Exercising All-round Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie", in Red Flag, No.
4, 1975.<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao's <i>On Contradiction</i> states: <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="background: white; color: black;">Some
people think that this is not true of certain contradictions. For instance, in
the contradiction between the productive forces and the relations of
production, the productive forces are the principal aspect; in the
contradiction between theory and practice, practice is the principal aspect; in
the contradiction between the economic base and the superstructure, the
economic base is the principal aspect; and there is no change in their
respective positions. This is the mechanical materialist conception, not the
dialectical materialist conception. True, the productive forces, practice and
the economic base generally play the principal and decisive role; whoever
denies this is not a materialist. But it must also be admitted that in certain
conditions, such aspects as the relations of production, theory and the
superstructure in turn manifest themselves in the principal and decisive role.
When it is impossible for the productive forces to develop without a change in
the relations of production, then the change in the relations of production
plays the principal and decisive role. </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Therefore, generally speaking, in socialist societies, power
changes hands and the dictatorship of the proletariat becomes the dictatorship
of the bourgeoisie because socialist societies have to retain a great deal of
bourgeois right, which is reflected in the repeated struggle for leadership in
the superstructure. On the other hand, however, only if the proletariat always
retains leadership can it gradually limit and even eliminate bourgeois right.
Should bourgeois right be extended? Or limit it until it is eliminated? This is
the true meaning of the repeated struggle for leadership. The struggle between
Chairman Mao and the anti-party groups of Peng Dehuai, Liu Shaoqi, Lin Biao and
Deng Xiaoping is a clear manifestation of this struggle. In this sense,
leadership determines the historical direction of bourgeois right. For related
historical material, see Sun Ling: Prelude to the Continuing Revolution - A
Sketch of the Struggle over Political Lines in New China 1949-1965<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Therefore, in a socialist society, the basic contradiction
between the productive forces and the relations of production is reflected in
the contradiction between "bourgeois right" and
"leadership". On the one hand, we cannot hope that the development of
the productive forces will automatically eliminate bourgeois right; on the
other hand, we should not follow the opportunist's leftist but rightist
approach and try to abolish bourgeois right in one day. As an aspect of the
contradiction, "bourgeois right" contains within it the contradiction
of whether to "limit it until it dies" or to "expand it until it
is restored". The "leadership", as an aspect of the
contradiction, contains within it the contradiction of "who wins or loses
between the proletarian command and the bourgeois command". This picture
of the class struggle is thus expressed in the five fundamental judgements of
contemporary Marxist-Leninists-Maoists as follows:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Socialism is the transitional stage from capitalism to
communism. Socialism is a fairly long historical stage in which there are
always classes, class contradictions and class struggles, always the struggle
between the two paths of socialism and capitalism, always the danger of
capitalist restoration, always the threat of subversion and aggression by
imperialism. The socialist system (from the economic base to the
superstructure) is bound to retain the remnants of capitalism (bourgeois right)
for a considerable period of time, and this is bound to give rise to a new
bourgeoisie and to political forces that want to restore capitalism, the core
of which is the bourgeoisie within the Party (including bureaucratic groups and
capitalist groups). The proletariat must therefore continue its revolution,
must wage class struggle against the new bourgeoisie, and must do so through a
bottom-up revolutionary struggle led by the correct line of the proletarian
revolutionary party in order to gradually eliminate the remnants of capitalism
(bourgeois right) and eventually transition to communism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">II. "The concept of "bourgeois right”<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The concept of "bourgeois right" was unearthed by
the great leader Chairman Mao. The grain of truth is found in the writings of
the old fathers, Marx and Lenin.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In his <i>Critique of the Gotha Programme</i>, Marx,
analysing the principle of the socialist distribution of labour, states: "The
same principle prevails as in the exchange of commodity equivalents: a given
amount of labour in one form is exchanged for an equal amount of labour in
another form." <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">"<span style="background: white; color: black;">Hence, </span><em style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0.2em;">equal right</em><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"> here is still in principle – </span><em style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0.2em;">bourgeois
right</em><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">,</span></span>" and " This equal right is
an unequal right for unequal labour. It recognizes no class differences,
because everyone is only a worker like everyone else; but it tacitly recognizes
unequal individual endowment, and thus productive capacity, as a natural
privilege. It is, therefore, a right of inequality, in its content, like every
right."<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In The State and Revolution Lenin says: "…in the first
phase of communist society (usually called socialism) "bourgeois law"
is not abolished in its entirety, but only in part, only in proportion to the
economic revolution so far attained, i.e., only in respect of the means of
production. "Bourgeois law" recognizes them as the private property
of individuals. Socialism converts them into common property. To that
extent--and to that extent alone--"bourgeois law" disappears."
"However, it persists as far as its other part is concerned; it persists
in the capacity of regulator (determining factor) in the distribution of
products and the allotment of labour among the members of society."
"In so far as the products are distributed 'according to labour',
'bourgeois right' still reigns." From this Lenin also drew an important
conclusion: “Of course, bourgeois law in regard to the distribution of consumer
goods inevitably presupposes the existence of the bourgeois state, for law is
nothing without an apparatus capable of enforcing the observance of the rules
of law. It follows that under communism there remains for a time not only
bourgeois law, but even the bourgeois state, without the bourgeoisie!”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In other words, Marx and Lenin were keen to identify
"bourgeois right" in the field of distribution, but they had to be
sorted out for posterity, because the practice of socialist society was not yet
sufficient.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The theoretical contribution of Comrade Zhang Chunqiao lies
in the fact that he began to study this subject. It is interesting to note that
in his "Do Away With the Ideology of Bourgeois Right"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
he also started with the "field of distribution", when he analysed
the contradiction between the "free supply system" and the "wage
system". This is even more vivid than Marx's and Lenin's theses, because
the old ancestors did not experience the Chinese New Democratic Revolution, nor
did they know that the "free supply system" had long been practised
in the ranks of the Red Army and in the revolutionary bases. " After the
liberation of the whole country, this kind of use of the "supply
system," which served as the distinguishing feature of a military
communist life, was still very popular. Referring to the "supply
system" is like speaking about the old revolution, the same as speaking
about the difficult struggles that people consider glorious. When some young
revolutionaries now take part in work, they expect a "supply system,"
to indicate their similarity to the old comrades, and that they genuinely and
sincerely come to the revolution. When comrades used to live under the supply
system they did not envy wage labour, and people liked this kind of expression
of a living institution of relations of equality. Before long, however, this
kind of system was attacked by the ideology of bourgeois right."<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Assuming that our ancestors had access to the first-hand
materials of the Chinese Revolution, they would have been inundated with
treasure. But such time travel could not happen, so Comrade Chunqiao's exploration
was particularly valuable. But Chairman Mao, with an even sharper theoretical
eye, found great value in this concept, and he criticised Comrade Chunqiao's
thesis for "incompletely explaining the historical process", which
means that further research is needed on the formation and development of
bourgeois right, and on the evolution and direction of bourgeois right.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In November 1958, Chairman Mao organised a number of people
to study and discuss Stalin's book <i>The Economic Problems of Socialism in the
Soviet Union</i>. In the light of the problems in socialist construction.
Stalin discussed three prerequisites for the transition to communism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">1. it is not the mythical "rational organisation"
of the productive forces that must be effectively ensured, but the constant
growth of social production as a whole, with the growth of the production of
the means of production taking priority. The growth of production of the means
of production must take priority not only because this production should ensure
the equipment needed by its own enterprises and those of all other sectors of
the national economy, but also because without this production it would be
impossible to achieve expanded reproduction.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">2. Collective farm ownership must be raised to the level of
universal ownership by means of a gradual transition that benefits the
collective farm and therefore society as a whole, and a gradual transition that
replaces the circulation of commodities by a system of exchange of products, so
that the central power or some other socio-economic centre can take control of
all the products of social production for the benefit of society.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">3. The culture of society must be developed to the extent
that it is sufficient to ensure the full development of all its members, both
physically and intellectually, so that all members of society can acquire an
education sufficient to become active agents in the development of society, and
all are free to choose their occupation and are not tied to one occupation for
life because of the existing division of labour.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao's criticism of these three prerequisites was.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"The shortcoming is that a political condition has not
been stated and a set of methods has not been used to realize these three
conditions. Without political hang-ups, without regular rectification
campaigns, without the struggle to gradually break down bourgeois right,
without mass movements to run industry, agriculture and culture, without
several simultaneous actions, Stalin's three preconditions would not have been
easy to achieve." From this, Chairman Mao further clarified,
"According to Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, the relations of production
include three aspects: ownership, the interrelationship between people in
labour production, and the form of distribution. After the socialist
transformation, which basically solved the problem of ownership, equal
relations between people in labour production would not naturally arise. The
existence of bourgeois right must hinder the formation and development of such
relations of equality in every way." With regard to this aspect of
bourgeois right, Chairman Mao analyzed, "For example, the strict
hierarchy, the condescension, the detachment from the masses, the failure to
treat people as equals, the reliance on qualifications and power rather than on
the ability to work for a living, the cat-and-mouse relationship and the
father-son relationship between the cadres and the subordinates, all these
things must be broken down, completely broken down." Summing up these analyses,
Chairman Mao pointed out that Stalin's book "only talks about economic
relations, not about political hang-ups, not about mass movements. ...... does
not talk about bourgeois right, does not analyse bourgeois right, what should
be broken and how to break it, what should be restricted and how to restrict
it."<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao's criticism went beyond the "realm of
distribution" to talk about bourgeois right, giving us a sense of
historical perspective that was of great help to Comrade Chunqiao in writing <i>On
Exercising the All-roundl Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie.<o:p></o:p></i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This was followed by several major theoretical instructions
from Chairman Mao during the Cultural Revolution:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Lenin said to build a bourgeois state without capitalists,
in order to safeguard bourgeois legal power. We ourselves are building such a
state, much like the old society, with hierarchies, with eight grades of wages,
distribution according to labour and exchange of equal value. You had to get
money to buy rice, coal, oil and vegetables. Eight levels of wages, no matter
how few or how many people you have.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Why can't some people see the problem of contradictions in a
socialist society clearly anymore? Doesn't the old bourgeoisie still exist?
Isn't there a large petty bourgeoisie that everyone can see? Aren't large
numbers of unreconstructed intellectuals present? Is not the influence of small
production, corruption and speculation everywhere? Aren't Liu, Lin and other
anti-Party groups alarming? The problem is that one belongs to the petty
bourgeoisie and is prone to right thinking. One represents the bourgeoisie, but
says that class contradictions are not clearly seen anymore.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">After the democratic revolution, the workers and poor
peasants did not stop; they wanted a revolution. And a section of the party
members did not want to move forward, some of them backed off and opposed the
revolution. Why? Having become big officials, they wanted to protect the
interests of the big officials. They have good houses, cars, high salaries and
waiters, and they are even better than the capitalists. Some people in the
Party had opposed the socialist revolution when it came to their own heads, and
they had resented the criticism of bourgeois right. The socialist revolution
was carried out without knowing where the bourgeoisie was, it was in the
Communist Party, the party in power who were following the capitalist road. The
capitalists are still going.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Comrade Chunqiao's "On Exercising All-Round
Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie" was therefore the most comprehensive of
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist theories at the time, a milestone in the development of
theory. In this essay, Comrade Chunqiao spoke of both bourgeois right and the
"right to leadership", which is an important recapitulation for our
detailed discussion of bourgeois right and the "right to leadership"
today. We are, so to speak, standing on the shoulders of giants. We will be
drawing directly on the lessons learned from the blood of that generation of
revolutionaries.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Our enemies have done everything possible to discredit the
scientific concept of "bourgeois right". After the Restoration, the
"Bureau for the Compilation of the Works of Marx and Lenin", which
was revised in mid-1977, concluded that the word "juridical rights"
in bourgeois juridical rights, Recht in German and npaBo in Russian, can mean
"law" or "rights" respectively; translating it as
"legal rights" does not precisely convey its meaning and can easily
be misunderstood as "legal rights", or "rights". This is
not in line with Marx and Lenin's original meaning, thus causing theoretical
confusion and errors. So it was decided to translate it as "bourgeois
rights". This ludicrous retranslation is only an attempt to cover up the
mistake.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Even if our ancestors did not talk about the concept of
bourgeois right, our descendants could have invented it, not to mention the
extensive evidence in our previous article. For the sake of the victory of the
revolution, our descendants should be "better than blue"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
and Comrade Chunqiao is a good example of this. With these two famous essays he
can be ranked among the classical writers, whereas Kautsky and Plekhanov, who
wrote a lot of generalist left-wing works, do not deserve to be called
classical writers.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">III. Bourgeois Legal Power and the Three Great
Differences<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i>On Contradiction</i> states that in every difference in
the world there is already a contradiction; the difference is a contradiction.
...... There are differences between workers and peasants, even in Soviet
social conditions, and their differences are contradictions, which merely do
not intensify into confrontation and do not take the form of class struggle.
This passage leads to the basic point that differences are contradictions.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">We have already argued that bourgeois right, as an aspect of
the fundamental contradiction of socialist society, contains two completely
different directions of bourgeois right. If we look at socialist society
through the "social microscope" of historical materialism, we first
see three sets of contradictions, the "three great differences". In
the Soviet Union (1918-1953) and in China (1957-1976), these two specimens of
social history show: the difference between workers and peasants, the
difference between urban and rural areas, and the difference between manual and
mental labour. The latter specimen undertook the great experiment of narrowing
the three main differences.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The first set of contradictions: the difference between
workers and peasants<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The realpolitik strategy for facing the
"industrial-agricultural divide" is to make agriculture the
foundation and industry the mainstay. This has remained the same in the
twenty-first century. In the Soviet Union (1918-1953), the strategy was to
develop collective farms and to give priority to heavy industry. In China
(1957-1976), the strategy was: agriculture on the basis of food and industry on
the basis of steel, dealing with the relationship between the weight of
agriculture, light industry and heavy industry.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The rationale for this strategy was that food was the first
thing to be taken care of, whether in armed struggle or in production and
construction. Some of the raw materials needed by industry also come from
agriculture, which in a sense means that industry needs "food".
Secondly, agriculture provides an extensive domestic market for industrial
goods and meets the basic conditions for expanding production. Finally, the
peasantry is a reserve of workers, and as agricultural productivity increases,
more labour can be drawn into industry.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The above is a discussion of the interconnectedness of the
two opposing sides of the contradiction between the "workers and
peasants", i.e. "sameness". The next point is about the
"struggle".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The bourgeoisie understands the ratio and balance between
"agriculture, light industry and heavy industry" and the importance
of "heavy industry". In the Soviet Union (1918-1953), the capitalist-roaders
advocated the development of heavy industry at the expense of people's
livelihoods, focusing unilaterally on heavy industry at the expense of
agriculture and light industry, resulting in insufficient goods on the market
and an unstable currency. In China (1957-1976) the capitalist-roaders advocated
a formula of "agriculture, light industry and heavy industry"
determined by profits. See the material:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Liu Shaoqi’s gang of renegades, hidden traitors and scabs has
always opposed the collectivization and mechanization of agriculture in China
for the evil purpose of restoring capitalism. First they raised the banner of
the reactionary productivity-only theory of the old and new revisionists,
advocated "mechanization first, then cooperatisation" and cut down
co-operatives in a bid to obstruct and destroy agricultural collectivization;
after agricultural cooperatisation had been achieved nationwide, they then
spread the rhetoric that "the more people and more land, the less need for
mechanisation" and that "intensive farming cannot be
mechanized". When the mass movement to reform agricultural tools was on
the rise, they appeared as extreme "leftists" again, shouting that
the reform of agricultural tools would require "several revolutions a
day", in a conspiracy to stifle the agricultural implement reform movement.
They took advantage of three years of temporary economic difficulties to kill
and slash the agricultural machinery industry and local industries. They also
pushed around such black goods as "dictatorship by the state and farming
by the peasants", "dictatorship by regulations" and "high
degree of monopoly"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
and were madly opposed to Chairman Mao's revolutionary proletarian line.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">……………<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It is necessary to criticize the erroneous tendency of
focusing on manufacturing while neglecting maintenance, focusing on the main
engine while neglecting supporting accessories, focusing on quantity but not
focusing on quality, and focusing on use, but not focusing on management, and
establish the view of serving the people wholeheartedly. A large number of
agricultural machines cannot function because of disrepair or lack of matching
sets. In order to repair a piece of agricultural machinery, some poor and
lower-middle peasants traveled to many cities and could not buy a spare part.
They said angrily: "The yellow ox can be cured, but the iron ox can't be
cured." I have to worry about repairing the machine." "Four heavies
and four lights"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
is a manifestation of irresponsibility to the party, the country, and the
people; it is a reflection of bourgeois ideas such as "profits in
command" and "the theory of supporting agriculture at a
disadvantage", and must be thoroughly criticized. (December 3, 1971
"Report of the State Council on Accelerating the Realization of
Agricultural Mechanization")<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Both the "state pays and the peasants cultivate"
and the "four heavies and four lights" reflect the views of the
Chinese revisionist reactionaries on agriculture in its infancy (i.e. the
capitalist-roaders). They wanted to make profits from agriculture, and
"maintenance, spare parts, quality of farm machinery, and management of
farm machinery" were all obstacles to profits, which they had to cut out.
They wanted to turn peasants into hired labour (including agricultural
workers), to turn them into workers (temporary and contract workers) in
batches, to sow discord between workers and peasants, to sow discord between
new workers and old workers, to sow discord between the masses and to fight the
masses, and to achieve modern capitalist mass production.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The proletarian revolutionaries, on the other hand, advocate
that agriculture should be the starting point, that agriculture should be given
priority, that national economic plans should be arranged in the order of
agriculture, light and heavy, that industry should be developed around the
needs of agriculture, and that industry should obtain the conditions for its
own development by promoting the development of agricultural production. We
should combine the development of industry with the development of agriculture,
the modernisation of industry with the modernisation of agriculture, and the
strengthening of the leading role of the working class with the full play of
the role of the peasants as allies, so that the alliance between workers and
peasants can be further consolidated and strengthened on the basis of modern
socialist mass production.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To sum up, the question is not whether to attach importance
to "agriculture, light industry and heavy industry" or to the
"four modernizations", but whether to take the socialist road to narrow
the "difference between workers and peasants" or to take the
capitalist road to widen the contradiction between "workers and
peasants". So the "difference between workers and peasants" and
the "leadership" themselves interact with each other. This, in turn,
proves our "Introduction".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The second set of contradictions: the urban-rural divide<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This group of contradictions is linked to the first group of
contradictions. Here it refers to the huge differences in the distribution of
resources between urban and rural areas, in areas such as education, health
care, public facilities and values orientation.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The difference between Marxist-Leninist-Maoists and Pol Pot
is that the former believe that the urban-rural divide should be gradually
reduced, while the latter formally abolished it by mechanically transferring
the urban population. The former believed that both urban and rural areas could
be a breeding ground for capitalism, while the latter believed that the city
was the only ground for breeding capitalism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The realistic political strategy to face the
"urban-rural divide" was: the May 7th Road, which was modelled on the
base areas of the revolutionary war years, where the social division of labour
and functions of the workers, peasants, soldiers, academics and businessmen had
to interpenetrate each other. The people's communes were to be industrialised
and the countryside factoryised. The cities were to provide assistance to the
countryside. This included transferring small factories to the countryside,
sending intellectuals from the cities to the countryside, providing books and
teachers to spread scientific and technological knowledge, training people for
the countryside in the factories and schools in the cities, and sending
intellectual youth to work in the vast countryside.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Guided by this strategy, China (1957-1976) created a vivid
experience that the Soviet Union (1918-1953) did not have:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Firstly, the construction of a rural health care system. The
new rural health care system was mainly financed by local funds from communes,
brigades and production teams, but support from the central government was also
essential for its establishment and functioning. Since 1969, the training
programme for rural barefoot doctors has accelerated considerably and by the
mid-1970s such barefoot doctors had become the backbone of the rural health
care system.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Secondly, half of China's fertilisers were produced by rural
factories, and a significant proportion of the rapidly growing agricultural
machinery products were also produced by local rural factories. Many small
factories in the countryside also produce cement, pig iron, construction
materials, electricity, chemicals, pharmaceuticals and a wide range of small
consumer goods; more importantly, they had transformed nearly 20 million
peasants into full-time or part-time industrial workers in the countryside,
according to information.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Both of these were great creations of the
Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of the last century.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Yet the above is only one side of the contradiction: the
tendency for the urban-rural divide to narrow and the tendency for the
socialist factor to increase. The other side of the contradiction lies in the
tendency for the urban-rural divide to widen and for the capitalist factor to
increase.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Both the capitalist-roaders in the Soviet Union (1918-1953)
and the capitalist-roaders in China (1957-1976) sought to exploit the
urban-rural divide so that cultural knowledge, literary creation, medical
technology, etc. were seen as commodities that demanded high prices from the
people. Pursuing "three famouses" and "three highs"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
they sought the titles of "expert" and "authority",
competing for fame in the court and profit in the market. The rural masses were
shut out of the doors of cultural and educational positions. The field of
literature and art became a place where the poisonous weeds of revisionism
grew, schools became the "cradle" for the cultivation of bourgeois
spiritual aristocracy, and the health sector served only a few people in the
cities.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In response to this trend, Marxist-Leninists-Maoists in
China have worked tirelessly to gradually reduce and even abolish the
distinction between urban and rural areas. The Shanghai "July 21"
Workers' University, the Chaoyang Agricultural College in Liaoning, the Jiangxi
Communist Labour University and the Dazhai School are all examples of this. The
Chaoyang Agricultural College, for example, not only tilted its resources
towards the countryside, but also broke with old traditions and customs
("looking down on peasants and the countryside") in terms of values.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The Chaoyang Agricultural College went against the
revisionist educational line of the 17 years and trained more than 16,000
peasants in the form of scientific experimental teams, amateur universities for
peasants, short courses, mobile teaching courses, etc. More than 340 graduates
from three long-term classes "from the society to the society" went
back to the countryside to work as peasants. This new breed of peasants played
a great role in breaking the monopoly of knowledge of the bourgeoisie. In the
past, in order to improve the production of fruit trees, some communities
invited people from all around the country and paid them very well, and they
were also treated well with good food and drink. Now that there are graduates,
these people can no longer take advantage of the difference between urban and
rural areas to create a monopoly.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In other words: the capitalist-roaders advocate exploiting
the urban-rural divide to reap excessive profits, while the proletarian
revolutionaries advocate tilting resources towards the countryside. The
capitalist-roaders advocate using the difference between urban and rural areas
to "trap the peasants" and "trade high for high" in a vain
attempt to exploit them, while the proletarian revolutionaries advocate
gradually making reasonable adjustments to the prices of industrial and
agricultural goods and narrowing the "scissors difference". This
enabled the peasants to increase their collective accumulation and personal
income year by year through increased production and commodity exchange in a
normal year, thus further consolidating the workers' and peasants' alliance.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To sum up, the question is not about such empty ideas as
"the city feeding the countryside" and "urban-rural
integration", but about whether to take the socialist road to narrow the
"urban-rural gap" or the capitalist road. The result is the so-called
"Three Rural Problems"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
under the present Chinese government. So, the "urban-rural divide"
and the "leadership" themselves interact with each other. This, in
turn, proves our "introduction".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The third set of contradictions: the difference between
manual and mental work<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This set of contradictions is linked to the second set of
contradictions. The capitalist-roaders are able to exploit the urban-rural
divide to gain a monopoly on knowledge because education, health care, public
facilities (including management) and values are the hereditary domain of the
bourgeoisie. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism teaches us that the proletariat must not
only "expropriate the expropriators" of the possession of material
wealth, (Marx: <i>The Civil War in France</i>) but must also "completely
deprive the bourgeoisie of its intellectual superiority". (Lenin: "<i>The
Present Tasks of Soviet Power</i>") Without this latter "dispossession",
the former "dispossession" will not be consolidated either. Chairman
Mao pointed out: "Traditionally in China only the landlords have been
cultured, the peasants have not. But the culture of the landlords is created by
the peasants, because what creates the culture of the landlords is nothing else
but the blood and sweat taken from the peasants." (<i>Report on the Study
of the Peasant Movement in Hunan</i>) The upside-down history of the spiritual
wealth created by the working people but seized by the ruling class must be
turned upside down. "The working people must be intellectualised",
this is the unstoppable revolutionary torrent.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In a socialist society, the difference between manual and
mental labour is reflected in the hierarchy between the leaders and the masses,
between the technical managers and the direct producers, and also among the
direct producers. In addition, the influence and corruption of the ideology of
the bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes. This causes the former (leaders
and technical managers) to treat the masses of workers and peasants with
arrogance and to despise manual labour; it causes them to breed the idea of
hierarchy and privilege, not to treat the masses as equals, to act as lords and
to turn comradeship into a relationship of domination and subordination. That
is, as Chairman Mao pointed out, "hierarchical, condescending, detached
from the masses, not treating people as equals, not living on their ability to
work but on qualifications and power, cat-and-mouse and father-and-son
relations between cadres and the masses and between superiors and
subordinates." For more details, see Chapter 2 of this article (II. The
concept of "bourgeois right").<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The political strategy to face the "difference between
manual and mental labour" was to implement two participations, one reform
and three combinations, insisting on the participation of cadres in collective
production work, workers in enterprise management, reforming unreasonable rules
and regulations, and implementing the combination of workers, cadres and
technicians.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Let us take the case of the "Beijing Printing and
Dyeing Factory" in China (1957-1976) as an example.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Before the Cultural Revolution, the leading cadres and
section cadres of this factory worked on an eight-hour day shift, and no one
was on duty at night. When night shift workers encountered urgent problems,
they had to knock on the cadres' doors in the middle of the night. Some cadres
were not happy when they were woken up and complained that the workers were "making
a fuss". In response, the masses were very critical and felt that
"cadres and workers are different". After the Cultural Revolution,
the factory implemented a system whereby leading cadres and section cadres took
turns to follow the three shifts, whether it was the morning shift, the middle
shift or the night shift, there were cadres working in the workshop while
working, so that many problems could be solved in time. What's more, the
majority of cadres have increased their consciousness of "no privilege in
politics and no special in life". In the process of working, the majority
of cadres constantly criticised and overcame the "superiority theory of
leadership", further saw the power of the masses and avoided subjectivism
and bureaucracy.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Before the Cultural Revolution, there were few workers among
the cadres at all levels in this factory; after the Cultural Revolution, a
group of outstanding workers, including mass representatives who did not take
off work, joined the factory leadership team and participated directly in the
leadership of the enterprise, so that the workers among the leading cadres of
the factory and workshops increased to 70 per cent. Before the Cultural
Revolution, workers had no right to interfere in the management of the factory;
after the Cultural Revolution, a three-tier mass management network was
established from the factory, workshops to the work groups, which was combined
with professional management, and there were more than 1,000 worker
administrators. Before the Cultural Revolution, decisions on important matters
in the factory could only be made by a few leading cadres, such as the
secretary and the factory manager; after the Cultural Revolution, the workers
took various forms, such as investigation groups, "Three Combination"
groups, large-character posters and seminars, to exercise revolutionary
supervision over the leaders and the factory's major events.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The plant implemented the "Anshan Iron and Steel
Constitution", striving to narrow the gap between manual and mental labour,
consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat and promoting the flourishing
of production. In 1975, the total industrial output value of the plant was more
than six times that of 1965, and the funds accumulated for the state in ten
years could have been used to build eight factories of the same size.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It is clear from the above cases that the distinction
between manual and mental labour cannot be automatically abolished, but can
only be restricted by certain institutions until it is extinguished. The capitalist-roaders
in China (1957-1976) took advantage of this difference to establish the
prejudice that only bourgeois "experts" and "authorities"
could manage enterprises, and used "control, cards, pressure and
punishment". This sharp confrontation between manual labour and mental
labour was the most suitable political ground for them to promote the
"profit-oriented" approach. This soil gave birth to a "class of
bureaucrats" who rode on the heads of the people and were the vast reserve
army of the capitalist-roaders.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In conclusion, the question is not whether the social
division of labour between mental and manual work is reasonable at a certain
stage in history, but whether the important question is the contradiction
between taking the socialist road to reduce the "mental-manual
difference" or the capitalist road to widen the "mental-manual
difference". What is important is the contradiction between advancing the
intellectualisation of the working people (not just intellectual and cultural
literacy, but the learning of the working people to run the country) or the
perpetuation of the intellectual superiority of the bourgeoisie (including all
kinds of management experience). So the "mental-manual difference"
and the "leadership" themselves interact with each other. This, in
turn, proves our "introduction".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The identity of the three sets of contradictions<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In this section we provide an overview of the three sets of
contradictions mentioned above.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The three differences are homogeneous, i.e. they affect each
other and interpenetrate under certain conditions. Take the example of the oil
workers in the Dagang oilfield.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Learning from the fundamental experience of Daqing, the
Dagang oilfield firstly strongly advocated that the leading cadres and the
workers shared the hardships. At the beginning of the mass campaign, the
leading organs at all levels did not live in the towns, did not have buildings,
halls, pavilions, or places, but worked in cubicles and huts, and held meetings
in straw huts or in the open air. The cadres and workers ate from the same
stove, slept in a hut, and studied and talked around a campfire. Where the
workers were fighting, the leaders were in command, and what the workers were
asked to do, the leaders did first. These measures played a great role in
improving relations between the cadres and the group and in revolutionising the
thinking of the cadres. Through in-depth criticism of the revisionist programme
of building "oil cities" to serve a few people, and in accordance
with the principles of integrating workers and peasants, urban and rural areas,
and facilitating production and living, conditions were created for family
members to participate in agricultural and sideline production work. In doing
so, not only did they adhere to the "May Seventh" path guided by
Chairman Mao and narrow the differences between cadres and workers within the
enterprises, but they also sought to combine agriculture and industry and to
gradually eliminate the confrontation between urban and rural areas.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="line-height: 107%;">The above examples roughly depict the roadmap
that the Great Leader, Chairman Mao, has mapped out for us to narrow the three
major differences and make the transition to a communist society. It is
foreseeable that the day when the historical phenomenon of the three major
differences will disappear is the day when mankind will enter a communist
society. Communist society is not unattainable, but highly realistic and operational.<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p> </span></span><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
See: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/zhang/1975/x01/x01.htm">On
Exercising All-Round Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie (marxists.org)</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
For the full text of Zhang’s article, see: <a href="https://www.marxistphilosophy.org/BourgeoisRightWeb.pdf">BourgeoisRightWeb
(marxistphilosophy.org)</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">This is a saying derived from the
ancient philosopher Xunzi’s <i>Persuasion</i>. It is often used as a metaphor
for students surpassing teachers or descendants surpassing predecessors.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">A complaint against the state’s
monopoly on grain purchases by those wanting to speculate in the market.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">This is a reference to the erroneous
tendencies mentioned in this paragraph’s opening sentence.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
This is a collective name for famous writers, famous actors, famous professors,
and high wages, high remuneration, and high bonuses.<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/bourgeois%20right/Zhang%20Jiao%20translated.docx#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This refers to the issues of
agriculture, rural areas and peasants. These had been successfully addressed by
the Party prior to the seizure of power by the capitalist-roaders who claim that
they are an “inevitable product of the transition from agricultural
civilization to industrial civilization”. They say that the three rural
problems are “not unique to China, both developed and developing countries have
had similar experiences, but developed countries have better solved the
"three rural problems". The issue of "three rural areas"
was proposed as a concept in China in the mid-1990s and has since been
increasingly cited by the media and officials. The problems are seen in the
fact that the number of Chinese farmers is large, and the solution is large; that
China's industrialization process has advanced unilaterally, and the
"three rural" problems have accumulated for a long time and are
difficult to solve; and that the negative impact and comparatively few benefits
brought about by China's urban policy design have been highlighted in a short
period of time, and the solution is said to be very complicated.</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-29576003819559759742022-08-26T20:09:00.000-07:002022-08-26T20:09:04.439-07:00Mao Anying's letter to his cousin<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjielWNUA_Xcs0PJjdenY80PL9kFKZzY_h_VTP0L86z3zVcZvlmO64G20stKmjVSm4MHqKJNgo9sxp1d2JCtJx2FHhlDQV50s6tus_n8_fl0zH7zrGgZFhuIzYzJZw3ehbJw77PZSOMTcpQ2rg9Z-Dnhmn0Bhz25bXkBvm3a_NVHqctoJZrdA/s1080/Mao%20and%20Mao%20Anying%20at%20Xiangshan%201949.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="825" data-original-width="1080" height="488" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjielWNUA_Xcs0PJjdenY80PL9kFKZzY_h_VTP0L86z3zVcZvlmO64G20stKmjVSm4MHqKJNgo9sxp1d2JCtJx2FHhlDQV50s6tus_n8_fl0zH7zrGgZFhuIzYzJZw3ehbJw77PZSOMTcpQ2rg9Z-Dnhmn0Bhz25bXkBvm3a_NVHqctoJZrdA/w640-h488/Mao%20and%20Mao%20Anying%20at%20Xiangshan%201949.jpeg" width="640" /></a></div><br /><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">(Above; Mao Zedong and his son Mao Anying at Xiangshan in 1949)</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Published on the marxwin.cn website 2022-05-28 22:47:10
Author: Mao Anying <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i>(Translator’s preface: I have translated this from the
Chinese website Marxist Victory Network (</i><a href="https://www.marxwin.cn/index.php/article/212.html"><span lang="ZH-CN">毛岸英写给表舅的信</span> | <span lang="ZH-CN">马克思主义必胜网</span> (marxwin.cn)</a> ).<i> Mao
Anying was the eldest son of Mao Zedong and Yang Kaihui. His mother was a
revolutionary martyr, executed by the Guomindang in 1930. Mao Anying lost his
life fighting against US imperialism in the War to Aid Korea, on November 25,
1950. Although this letter does not have the year in which it was written, it
would appear that it was in 1949, just after Liberation. Mao Zedong was approached
on a number of occasions by family members seeking special favours, and his
replies, rejecting these can be seen in Vol 7 of his Selected Works [</i><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-7/index.htm">Selected
Works of Mao Tse-tung: Vol. VII (marxists.org)</a> ]. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i>There you will find, p. 8, a letter by Mao
himself to his brother-in-law, telling him not to come to Beijing, but to wait
for a work assignment in Hunan. “Please do not put the government on the spot,”
he wrote on October 9. Mao Anying</i> <i>must have discussed this with his
father, for he wrote to his cousin, Yang Kaizhi’s son, on October 24.)<o:p></o:p></i></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh1iwV3FlaaKQDD8rqm-ayB6--cRFNsHFk4kZ4mQn2HbV60_zgLj0nP6y5JNKRyrG6md_ZiaE8olaBx40r1wZUWqsML3a6eXR8Iyc8qwT368BBuN-bOVPZ5D-yWniY9EetGWv94siqIbPvr4A2BNqaWqiIfkPQJ2M6-JKPiARnM3odkESAAxw/s604/Yang%20Kaihui%201.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="604" data-original-width="440" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh1iwV3FlaaKQDD8rqm-ayB6--cRFNsHFk4kZ4mQn2HbV60_zgLj0nP6y5JNKRyrG6md_ZiaE8olaBx40r1wZUWqsML3a6eXR8Iyc8qwT368BBuN-bOVPZ5D-yWniY9EetGWv94siqIbPvr4A2BNqaWqiIfkPQJ2M6-JKPiARnM3odkESAAxw/w291-h400/Yang%20Kaihui%201.jpg" width="291" /></a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;">(Above: revolutionary martyr Yang Kaihui)</span></div><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /><i><br /></i></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Comrade Sanli.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">I have received your letter. I am very happy that you have
joined the revolutionary work. The day before you left the Sanfu Hotel, I
called you, but you were not at home, and when I called again the next day, the
hotel staff said you had moved out. Later, I received a letter from Comrade Lin
Ting, which did not mention your "whereabouts". I wanted to get back
to him and ask where you were, but I lost his address along with the letter (it
was burned by mistake). If you know his full address, please let me know.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">I am very ashamed of my uncle's "wish to have a
position as director in Changsha", as mentioned in my letter.<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Mao%20Anying's%20letter%20to%20his%20cousin.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
In this new era, this kind of thinking of "making it to the top" is
already extremely backward, and it is especially unacceptable to think that one
can "get into office" through my father.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">What makes New China different from Old China, the Communist
Party different from the Guomindang Party, Mao Zedong different from Chiang
Kai-shek, and Mao's children's wives and uncles different from Chiang Kai-shek's
children's wives and uncles, apart from other more fundamental reasons, is
this: the time when the imperial relatives became rich and powerful and when
the few ruled the many has gone. The time has come to live by one's own labour
and talent. In this respect, the Chinese people have won a fundamental victory.
I am afraid that my uncle has not yet realised this. I hope he will come to his
senses slowly, otherwise it will be difficult for him to continue working in
the new China.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The turnaround is the turnaround of the masses, not the
turnaround of a few special people. The problems of life must be solved as a
whole, not individually. The interests of the masses should be taken into
account first and foremost. Individualism is not an option. I am going to write
a letter to tell my uncle and the others frankly about these circumstances.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The reactionaries often scold the Communist Party for
speaking of human feelings but having no human feelings, but if they are
referring to the human feelings of helping relatives, friends and colleagues to
become rich and powerful, then we in the Communist Party have no such
"human feelings" and do not speak of such "human feelings".
What the Communist Party has is another kind of human affection, that is, an
infinite love for the people, for the toiling masses, including one's own
parents, children and relatives.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Of course, the Communists have a special affection for their
close relatives, their fathers, mothers, sons, daughters, wives, uncles,
brothers, sisters, aunts and uncles, a deep affection for those who are related
to them by blood and family. The Communist Party not only does not deny this
special feeling, but also consolidates it and strives to promote it in the
right way for the benefit of the people, in line with their interests. But if
this special feeling goes beyond the personal sphere and contradicts the
interests of the people, the Communist Party will stand firmly on the side of
the latter, that is, it will not hesitate to "destroy the family".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">I love my grandmother, I have a deep and indescribable
affection for her, but she may now be calling me "ungrateful" for not
looking after the Yang family and the Xiang family<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Mao%20Anying's%20letter%20to%20his%20cousin.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
and I have to live with that, and I can never and will never act against my
principles. I myself am a very ordinary and small screw in a great machine, and
I have no "power", no "capital", and no
"ambition" to do such things to help my relatives rise to the top. As
for my father, he is the most staunch opponent of this approach, because this approach
is incompatible with communist ideology and Mao Zedong Thought, it is
incompatible with the interests of the people, it is extremely unfair, and it
is extremely unreasonable.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The contradiction between proletarian collectivism - the
view of the masses - and bourgeois individualism - the view of the individual -
is the essence of the difference of opinion between us and our uncle. These two
ideas are still in a sharp struggle even in our heads, only the former
prevails. In my uncle's head, and in the heads of many others like him, the
latter still prevails overwhelmingly, or all of them, although he himself may
not necessarily be bad in nature.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The letter is already long, and I will not go on with it. I
hope you will forgive any indiscretions.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">I wish you well!<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Anying on 24 October<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span></o:p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgs9KWHFqXOLw6s062dLjhETGEC7D4U_IYi0TirK_hp1jGSL9xk0dmqnqr4db9lkvDwIiF7uky11iBgwLIuwl6fvUtKU_vE-ge8E1HXV5w6xzVMluFpV-uNUcxv6fdo-owDVROMOOEGAStQzAYwDifcL_ojcJXEMXqYVUYsFaK-6vdT61FUKg/s444/Yang%20Kaihui,%20Mao%20Anying,%20Mao%20Anqing.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="444" data-original-width="296" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgs9KWHFqXOLw6s062dLjhETGEC7D4U_IYi0TirK_hp1jGSL9xk0dmqnqr4db9lkvDwIiF7uky11iBgwLIuwl6fvUtKU_vE-ge8E1HXV5w6xzVMluFpV-uNUcxv6fdo-owDVROMOOEGAStQzAYwDifcL_ojcJXEMXqYVUYsFaK-6vdT61FUKg/w426-h640/Yang%20Kaihui,%20Mao%20Anying,%20Mao%20Anqing.jpg" width="426" /></a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;">(Above: Yang Kaihui, Mao Anying (right) and Mao Anqing)</span></div><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /></span><p></p>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Mao%20Anying's%20letter%20to%20his%20cousin.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: x-small;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">The uncle is Yang Kaizhi, brother of
Mao’s second wife, the revolutionary martyr Yang Kaihui. Before Liberation, </span><span style="background: white; color: black;">he successively served as the
director of the Changde Mountain Forestry Bureau under the jurisdiction of the
Hunan Provincial Construction Department, the technician and administrator of
the Niushou Mountain Forest Farm of the Central Forestry District Administration,
the technician of the Hunan Provincial Construction Department, the technician
of the Hunan Provincial Agricultural Improvement Institute, the chief
technician and tea master of the China Tea Company, and the director of the
technical director and research office of the Hunan Provincial Department of
Agriculture. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, he
successively served as the deputy manager of Hunan Tea Industry Company and the
deputy director of Hunan Tea Business Department. After 1959, he was
recuperating from illness for a long time. He was a member of the Fifth
National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference
(1978-1983) and a member of the Third and Fourth Hunan Provincial Committee of
the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (later elected as the
vice chairman of the Hunan Provincial Committee of the Chinese People's
Political Consultative Conference). </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2022/Mao%20Anying's%20letter%20to%20his%20cousin.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Yang
Kaihui’s parents were Yang Changji (father) and Xiang Zhenxi (mother).</span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-42918341796284020532022-08-18T23:16:00.003-07:002022-08-18T23:16:50.250-07:00Zhao Dagong: Eating bitterness twice, suffering twice? --The feelings of unemployed veteran workers<p><span style="font-family: arial;"><i></i></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiAN3WqL2wWkeF3aRVhUnEHHtESTE7mJ5KTPToyqfIEyNzMmLvnKDbnQCscz-DOlpLdboPZHExn9RkIgfp3C2DWmq1mKAFxdqgi3-8gB7HNk9M9EKy-6xZ2IyM1Bg29kgMu9IDGh3UANdiKsrd2iqc8Ifw1IIvVs-penDWgcqOifEkZ4yJRXQ/s2216/Henan%20bank%20protest%202022%201.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2216" data-original-width="1024" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiAN3WqL2wWkeF3aRVhUnEHHtESTE7mJ5KTPToyqfIEyNzMmLvnKDbnQCscz-DOlpLdboPZHExn9RkIgfp3C2DWmq1mKAFxdqgi3-8gB7HNk9M9EKy-6xZ2IyM1Bg29kgMu9IDGh3UANdiKsrd2iqc8Ifw1IIvVs-penDWgcqOifEkZ4yJRXQ/w296-h640/Henan%20bank%20protest%202022%201.jpg" width="296" /></a></i></span></div><span style="font-family: arial;"><i><br /> (Translator's preface - this is a piece of writing which contains some statements that I would dispute, but its overall statement of the plight of the Chinese working class rings true. Above, a protest against a bank that withheld depositors' finances in Henan Province, 2022.)</i></span><p></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial;">Zhao Dagong: Eating bitterness twice, suffering twice?
--The feelings of unemployed veteran workers<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">When Chairman Mao was alive, especially during the Cultural
Revolution, which was the happiest period for the working class and the vast
number of poor peasants, the dictatorship of the proletariat was implemented for
every worker and every poor peasant, and we deeply experienced the sense of
honour of being the masters of the country. The great leader Chairman Mao
supported the workers' propaganda teams to be stationed in government organs,
schools, enterprises and institutions, so that those capitalist-roaders and
stinking old ninth<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
could receive re-education from the working class. What moved us even more was
that Chairman Mao did not want to enjoy the mangoes sent by foreign friends all
by himself, but had the working class in the revolutionary struggle in mind and
gave them to us, the working class, to see the mangoes for the first time and
to encourage us to carry the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution to the end!<a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
We were so excited that we could not help but chant over and over again,
"Long live Chairman Mao, long live Chairman Mao!" At last, under the
wise leadership of the great leader Chairman Mao, the proletariat had become
the master of the country. All secondary school students and intellectuals had
to "learn to work, learn to farm and learn to labour", and they had
to respond to Chairman Mao's great call to "go to the countryside and
receive re-education from the poor peasants", "the countryside is a
vast world, there is much to be done there". What an era it was, when Wu
Guixian<a href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
and Chen Yonggui both became state leaders, even though Wu Guixian did not know
which department Li Shizhen<a href="#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
belonged to, and that is precisely what characterises our poorly educated
working class! Although Chen Yonggui<a href="#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
could not read or write much, he had to wear a white towel around his head and
wore cloth shoes with a thousand layers of soles, that was the true nature of
our poor peasants! We are the ones who have to "step on cow dung and roll
around in mud" to kill those capitalist-roaders and the stinking ninth, so
that the working class and the poor peasants can take the historical stage of
the superstructure and bring down those capitalist-roaders, revisionists,
stinking ninth, traitors, spies, landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries,
bad elements, rightists, and the like. If they are allowed to return and
capitalism is restored, the working class and the poor peasants will have to
suffer twice again.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The sea has changed, the world has changed, and indeed
capitalism has really been restored and our working class has lost its old
glory. To say that China is still a country under the dictatorship of the
proletariat and that the working class is in charge is bullshit. We used to say
that the working class was the main force of socialist construction, but now we
have long since "retired to the second line" and industrial workers
have become a burden to society, a liability to society. What is the social
status of our workers? Even if we are fooled, we should be fed, housed and
given unemployment benefits to cover our basic living expenses. As the saying
goes, people are poor, horses are thin, and we no longer think about the
"dictatorship of the proletariat", but the Constitution still talks
about the "four persists".<a href="#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
The Communist Party has already abandoned the so-called "four persists",
so what else can we poor workers who have "retired to the second
line" insist on?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The state-run factories are now either sold to private
individuals, have some kind of joint venture with foreign capitalists, or are
simply closed down or are in a dying struggle. People no longer talk about
class, politics, or the working class leading everything, or sing the
Internationale. Open your eyes and look at the world of flowers: there are more
thieves, more corruption, more bribes, more liars, more people cursing the
leaders of the Central Government, more people laid off (not
"unemployed"), more buildings, more foreign goods, more hotels and
nightclubs, more divorces, more sexually transmitted diseases, more drug
addicts, more mental illnesses, more murderers, more suicides, more
practitioners of gongfu, more people believing in superstition, more religious
people, more modern weapons, more people going abroad ......<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">It really fulfils the old saying, "If we let those
capitalist-roaders, revisionists and the landlords, the rich peasants, the bad
elements and the rightists come to power, we, the working class and the poor peasants,
will eat bitterness twice and suffer twice". Many laid-off workers were
not convinced and took to the streets to demonstrate and cause trouble, wanting
to work, to eat, to fight corruption and to oppose those who deprived us of our
right to work and live. If the military and police are sent to suppress them, they
will have to go home again. Look at the leaders of our state-owned enterprises,
which one of them is Jiao Yulu?<a href="#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
Which one of them is Kong Fansen?<a href="#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
More like Chen Xitong,<a href="#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
Wang Baosen<a href="#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
Hu Changqing<a href="#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
Cheng Kejie<a href="#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
the two vice-ministers of the Ministry of Public Security, the two
vice-governors of Hubei Province, and the countless others at the city and
county levels such as ....... How many central leaders, ministers,
commissioners, governors, secretaries, directors, mayors, county commissioners,
directors, deans, inspectors have turned the flesh of the people into meat and
fish for the rich, and preyed upon and victimised the people. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The people's wealth created by the people has been
misappropriated. You, the Communist Party have been talking about fighting
corruption every year, every month, every day, you have killed some corrupt
officials, you have also made a legal system, but why are there more and more
corrupt officials and criminals? Why is it that the corruption incidents in
Zhanjiang, Xiamen, Shantou and Shenzhen that have rocked the country and the
world have been repeated, and the more you fight corruption, it as if the fire
of corruption has started a prairie fire, as if corruption cannot be burned
out, the spring breeze blows again. I dare say, "Chinese people are not
afraid of death", including Chinese corrupt officials, who are also not
afraid of death, and the grand words of corrupt officials are: "You can try
and kill us! We corrupt officials can't be killed, we'll be good men, corrupt
officials, again in 20 years!"<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">When Chairman Mao was alive, there were so few corrupt
officials that it could be said that there were only a handful of them, and
even the number of criminal cases was pitifully low compared to today. At that
time, the wages of workers were not much worse than those of factory managers,
but despite this, Chairman Mao still criticised the "bourgeois right"
and the "eight-grade wage system". The country was so poor that the
privileged officials could only make use of special shops and so on for
material benefits, so there was no corruption!<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">When Chairman Mao was alive, although the country was poor,
everyone was poor. Between 1960 and 1962, 30 million peasants died of
starvation, and people in the cities were half starved to death, but no one
rebelled, and there was no serious corruption. Apart from the harsh rule of the
Communist Party (like North Korea today) and the putting the blame on the
Soviet Union (deceiving the Chinese people), absolute communism
(egalitarianism) and the big pot of rice were also the main reasons. Everyone
was poor, so if the people revolted against anyone, they could go to the
governor's house and see that he also did not have enough to eat. Chairman Mao
was not afraid of death. He told the leaders of some Eastern European country
(Poland? Czech Republic? I can't remember) that China was not afraid of a
nuclear war.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">We are not trying to go back to those days, we
just miss them. It doesn't matter what kind of social system or who leads us if
we can make our workers' working lives secure and if we can limit corruption to
the maximum.</span>
</span><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">This was a term originating in the
Yuan Dynasty, but revived during the Cultural revolution, when it was directed
at intellectuals. At the top of the Yuan hierarchy were officials, Buddhist
monks and Daoist priests, while at the bottom were prostitutes, Confucian
scholars and beggars. During the Cultural revolution, the targets of struggle
were the landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements,
rightists, spies, traitors and capitalist-roaders. The intellectuals were the
lowest level of such targets.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">In 1968, just after ultra-leftist
student at Qinghua University in Beijing had clashed with 30,000 workers sent
in by Mao to end factional strife, the Pakistani foreign minister had presented
Mao with a gift of 40 mangoes. Rather than keep them for himself, Mao set them
on to the workers at Qinghua. At the tie, the tropical fruit was unknown to
most in China’s north. The gesture was eulogised and became the subject of
posters and Mao badges as a symbol of Chairman Mao’s concern for the well-being
of the ordinary workers and peasants.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Wu Guixian was a female textile worker
of poor peasant origin who was promoted as a national model and rose to become
a member of the 9<sup>th</sup>, 10<sup>th</sup> and 11<sup>th</sup> Central
Committees and, from January 1975 to September 1977 a Vice-Premier of the State
Council. After the Dengists seized power, she was allowed to “retire” and went
back to her textile factory. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Li Shizhen (1518 – 1593) was a famous
herbalist and long regarded as the father of Chinese traditional medicine. The
reference to Li suggests that Wu Guixian was uneducated, a positive attribute
since her knowledge came from practice, not from the study of books.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Chen Yonggui (1915-1986) was the
poor peasant who guided dirt poor Dazhai (Tachai) production brigade along the
path of collectivisation, prompting Mao to issue the call “In agriculture, learn
from Dazhai”. Chen, a familiar figure in his peasant garb, was elected to the
Central Committee in 1969, to the Politburo in 1973, and became a vice-Premier
in 1975.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However, he lost all these
positions after the Dengist clique came to power and returned to agricultural
work outside of Beijing.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">The “four persists” were coined by
Deng Xiaoping as a cover for his restoration of capitalism. They were persist with
the Party’s leadership, persist with emancipating the mind and seeking truth
from facts, persist with being people-oriented, and persist with reform,
development and stability. Xi Jinping has updated the list to include 14 “persists”.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Jiao Yulu (1922-1964) was a model of
Communist leadership, going where the condition were difficult and doing
everything for the people. In 1966 a campaign to learn from Jiao Yulu was
begun. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn8" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Kong Fansen (1944-1994), said to
have been the 44<sup>th</sup> grandson of Confucius (Kong Fuzi), joined the Party
in 1968 and in 1979 volunteered to work in Tibet where conditions were extremely
difficult. He is regarded as a leader in the mould of Jiao Yulu.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn9" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Chen Xitong (1930-2013) former
deputy-Mayor of Beijing and member of the Politburo was sentenced to 16 years
imprisonment in 1998 for embezzlement and dereliction of duty.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn10" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
Wang Baosen was a former member of the Standing Committee of the Beijing
Municipal Party Committee and deputy mayor. He was accused of embezzling more
than 250,000 yuan and 20,000 US dollars of public funds; of embezzling more
than 100 million yuan and more than 25 million US dollars of public funds for
his brother, his wife and other closely related people to carry out
profit-making activities. He committed suicide.<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn11" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Hu Changqing, (1948-2000) was a
deputy governor of Jiangxi Province who was executed for offering and accepting
bribes and for having a large amount of assets of unknown origin.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn12" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial;"><a href="#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Cheng Kejie (1933-2000) was, at the
time of his arrest for accepting bribes worth more than 41.09 million yuan, was
Chairman of the People's Government of Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region and a
member of the 9<sup>th</sup> National People’s Congress. He was the first state
leader to be sentenced to death for corruption since the founding of New China.</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
</div><span style="font-family: arial;"><i></i></span><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-69843958882972234952022-08-16T04:57:00.000-07:002022-08-16T04:57:04.508-07:00How Socialism Became Social Imperialism - Summary of the book "Reading How the Soviet Union Became a Social-Imperialist State”<p> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt;"><b><i><span style="letter-spacing: 0.75pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(Translator’s preface: Officially
sanctioned “red” websites in China, like Utopia from which this piece came, are
quite convincing about the restoration of capitalism in China, but generally
reject the description of contemporary China as “social-imperialist” - ie,
socialist in words, but imperialist in deeds. This short piece purports to be a
critique of a book about how the former Soviet Union became social-imperialist,
but in between the lines is a critique of how China became social-imperialist.
It is a pity that such views need to be disguised in this way in order to be
posted on a so-called “red” website.)</span></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 22.5pt; margin-left: 7.5pt; margin-right: 7.5pt; margin-top: 22.5pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="color: #313131; letter-spacing: 0.75pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The term "social-imperialism"
comes from Lenin's appraisal of the Second International and the traitor
Kautsky. He called them "socialists in words, imperialists in
practice" i.e., social-imperialists, with the difference that Kautsky and
others did not hold state power, while once the revisionists came to power, the
original socialist countries would either degenerate into social-imperialist
countries or become colonies of other imperialist countries, and the Soviet
Union belonged to the former situation.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 22.5pt; margin-left: 7.5pt; margin-right: 7.5pt; margin-top: 22.5pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="color: #313131; letter-spacing: 0.75pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The economic base determines the
superstructure, and to understand how socialism has become social-imperialist,
we must first understand what the economic basis of capitalist imperialism and
socialism is and how it came to be, so that we naturally understand what social-imperialism
is.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 22.5pt; margin-left: 7.5pt; margin-right: 7.5pt; margin-top: 22.5pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="color: #313131; letter-spacing: 0.75pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The economic basis and most obvious feature
of imperialism is monopoly. Lenin pointed out that "if imperialism is to
be defined as briefly as possible, it should be said that imperialism is the
monopoly stage of capitalism. "But the monopoly of capitalist imperialism
is formed through the accumulation and agglomeration of capital over a long
period of time (the continuous annexation of small and medium-sized enterprises
by large enterprises and the union of other large enterprises), in four main
forms: cartels, syndicates, trusts and conglomerates. It should be pointed out
that since the monopoly of capitalism was formed over a long period of time, in
the initial stage of capitalism its relations of production were adapted to the
productive forces, and it was only at the stage of imperialism, with the
complete decay of capitalist relations of production, that imperialism became
"dying capitalism". Social imperialism, on the other hand, revealed
its decadence and decline from the very beginning, as will be discussed later.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 22.5pt; margin-left: 7.5pt; margin-right: 7.5pt; margin-top: 22.5pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="color: #313131; letter-spacing: 0.75pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The economic basis of socialism is the
socialist state-run economy, which was formed after the proletariat seized
power through violent revolution and confiscated the monopoly capital and
enterprises of the former capitalist countries without compensation. This
state-run economy controls the economic lifeline of the entire socialist
country, is the main economic basis of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and
plays an important role in supporting and guiding the transformation of
agriculture, the individual economy in urban and rural areas, and in the
transition from the economy of collective ownership to the ownership of the
whole people. At the same time, its development is inseparable from the support
of the collective ownership economy and the partial individual ownership
economy, which complement each other and are indispensable.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 22.5pt; margin-left: 7.5pt; margin-right: 7.5pt; margin-top: 22.5pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="color: #313131; letter-spacing: 0.75pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">However, "the bourgeoisie is in the
Communist Party", the whole socialist stage is full of struggles between
two classes and two lines, and the ideology of the bourgeoisie will persist for
a long time, all this determines that "the restoration of capitalism is
possible at any time". Once the bourgeois spokesmen of the Party seize the
leadership and pursue a revisionist line, the nature of the Party and the
country as a whole will change fundamentally. And the socialist economy itself
is an economy highly integrated with the state power, for it is only under the
leadership of the proletarian power that the socialist state economy can play
its range of roles. Once the leadership is usurped, the nature of such an
enterprise will also change, from serving the working people as a whole to
serving the nascent bureaucratic bourgeoisie, "The question of why is a fundamental
question, a question of principle." This metamorphosed and degenerated
state economy then became the economic basis of social-imperialism.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 22.5pt; margin-left: 7.5pt; margin-right: 7.5pt; margin-top: 22.5pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="color: #313131; letter-spacing: 0.75pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Social-imperialism still has the five
characteristics pointed out by Lenin, except that, as mentioned above,
social-imperialism is the result of the degeneration of the erroneous line
carried out by the revisionists within the socialist countries, so it has no
progressive significance to speak of, but is decayed and backward from the
beginning, and its interests are sharply opposed to those of the working people.
For example, a soviet revisionist agricultural trust manager shouted "The
trust is my home, I can do whatever I want", and another Soviet
revisionist official barked wildly: "Are you speaking for the Party or do
you speak for the people?"<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 22.5pt; margin-left: 7.5pt; margin-right: 7.5pt; margin-top: 22.5pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="color: #313131; letter-spacing: 0.75pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Since the economic base determines the
superstructure, and since the economic base of social-imperialism is the state
economy serving the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, the actual rulers of the
social-imperialist state are the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, while the working
class aristocracy and a section of the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie and
their intellectuals, who are bribed with high monopoly profits, are the social
class base of bureaucratic rule.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #313131; letter-spacing: 0.75pt;">The future
is bright, but the road is tortuous. The degeneration of socialism into
social-imperialism (and eventually its disintegration, as in the Soviet Union)
is undoubtedly a huge setback in the communist movement, but everything always
"goes to its opposite, and then to the negation of the negation".
With the help of proletarian intellectuals and revolutionaries, the working
people are gradually awakening. When this force that determines the development
of history once again merges into a revolutionary torrent, the light of
socialism will surely shine on the earth again!</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-6428464855830091842022-03-04T22:09:00.000-08:002022-03-04T22:09:28.808-08:00Small-town nerds and Maoist thought: my intellectual journey<p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjCE7W_4EODPkLLIictPcmAu-vF_Oh4BsNTLzv7-UPehYek0OJ-mh_e1Brvd33rGdIpC8qmkwF2ZE5HfsAdQbZRCVF2tFqwOHUGF5_ZNSJtkWZ1DPNGHNCokd9CyhRd7kK0oBSzG6UJy2Wtq72_cRqCgG5eeSKKTGDpjSnS8pV1hUy3bnJ90w=s789" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="789" data-original-width="600" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjCE7W_4EODPkLLIictPcmAu-vF_Oh4BsNTLzv7-UPehYek0OJ-mh_e1Brvd33rGdIpC8qmkwF2ZE5HfsAdQbZRCVF2tFqwOHUGF5_ZNSJtkWZ1DPNGHNCokd9CyhRd7kK0oBSzG6UJy2Wtq72_cRqCgG5eeSKKTGDpjSnS8pV1hUy3bnJ90w=w304-h400" width="304" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br />(Translator's preface: This is the 23rd and final chapter of a 2020 research study of contemporary Chinese workplaces. I've only previously put up one of the chapters (here: </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2022/01/day-in-life-of-chinese-telemarketing.html">servethepeople: Day in the Life of a Chinese Telemarketing Company (mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com)</a>) and hope that one day the entire work can be posted somewhere. The image is the front cover of <i>Life Weekly</i>, a mainstream Chinese publication which, whilst recognising the existence of the problem of "small town nerds", tries to convince them that there are solutions to their problems. Its caption reads: "Small town nerds: how to stand on your own two feet".)</span><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chapter 23: Small-town nerds<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/Chinese%20Society%20English%20Chapters/7.23.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
and Maoist thought: my intellectual journey<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Editor's note: This article is very well written. Firstly,
it is good in that it is highly representative and typical; secondly, it is
good in that it is logically clear and draws out a narrative of how the
children of the proletariat wake up from the delusion of education to change
their class; finally, it is good in that the author bravely points out that the
way out for the small-town question-makers lies in returning to the
proletariat.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The author of this article is a "small-town nerd",
that is to say, he comes from a poor background, relies on his own efforts to
get into a prestigious school, but after entering society, he finds that the
prestigious school does not change his fate. He is struggling in the cracks of
the class, but society does not stop beating him because of his struggle. It is
against this backdrop that the author comes across the writings of Chairman
Mao. Reading Chairman Mao's writings gave the author new tools to observe and
analyse society. The author finally realised the nature of the current higher
education, "essentially the bourgeoisie, in order to ease the class
contradictions, has deliberately taken out a little resource to distribute to
the highly educated people, creating a belief system for the proletariat to
obtain a high income by acquiring a high degree ...... Under the poison of
highly educated beliefs, the proletariat at large has pinned its hopes on its
next generation, given up its rights and interests, and its sense of struggle
has been constantly weakened. And the highly educated next generation they have
so painstakingly nurtured, the few who have tasted the sweetness of capital and
are rapidly turning around to oppress the proletariat, while the others who are
struggling for the scraps they have sought but not received, are the small-town
nerds."<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">What is even more rare is that the author not only
recognizes the nature of higher education, but also recognizes that the
proletariat is the real friend of the small-town nerd: "The real friend of
the small-town problem nerd is the proletariat that has painstakingly nurtured
itself, just like the frog that has climbed to the mouth of the well, its
friend is always the others of its kind who are still struggling at the bottom
of the well. Chairman Mao said that the intellectuals are the hair and the
proletariat is the skin; if the skin does not exist, how can the hair be
attached? The real enemy of the small-town nerd is the bourgeoisie, the people
who forge highly educated beliefs. We should not be grateful for this access;
on the contrary, this access was forged by the bourgeoisie with the blood and
tears of our fathers and should be acutely aware that those who built it are
the real enemies."<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The author concludes by talking about the confusion of small-town
nerds and Marxism, parts of which I don't agree with. For example, the author
says, "As the number of students from humble backgrounds who can get into
prestigious schools gradually becomes smaller due to the Matthew effect on
educational resources, the number of small-town nerds will also decrease, and
the group of people who can quickly understand Marxism will shrink. But in the
long run, when access is completely closed, more people are bound to take up
the arms of Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought (they just won't understand it
relatively quickly)." In fact, it is possible that the bourgeoisie will
expand its intake in order to ease the pressure of employment, and although the
friends being expanded are not the so-called prestigious schools of 985/211<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/Chinese%20Society%20English%20Chapters/7.23.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
the numbers are huge and groups like the small-town nerds will only grow. In
addition, it is not only some of the small-town nerds who have gone to the
working people, but also some of the children of urban middle class families
who are bravely moving forward in the pursuit of truth, which is something that
needs to be seen.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Our friends are all over the world, and our songs are
spreading in all directions. As social tensions become more pronounced, there
will only be more and more of such people.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><u><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I. The confusion of a small-town nerd<o:p></o:p></span></u></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I am a small-town nerd from a working-class family, and I
was once as confused as most people in this group. It was only after coming
into contact with Mao Zedong Thought that I realised that the plight of
small-town nerds was mainly the result of a failure to recognise their own
class, and that only by relying on the proletariat could they have a real
future.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I was born in 1996 in a rural village on the south-east coast
that has since developed into a small town. My parents, both post-65, were
poorly educated and worked at the lowest level of manual labour. My father was
a construction worker whose smell of masonry and concrete accompanied me as I
grew up, and the long hours of heavy physical labour left him with injuries and
illnesses. My mother was an electronics factory worker, working an assembly
line job with two days off a month and more than 11 hours a day (sometimes more
than 11 hours, and only the excess was considered overtime), and with a
piece-rate wage that left her with little rest. Under such working and living
conditions, they spared no effort to belittle their own work, apart from hoping
that I would study hard and get into a good university, so that I would never
be like them.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Under the influence of this philosophy, I worked tirelessly
for my university entrance exams and finally got into a 985 university. However,
there was no one to tell me what to do after I went to a good university. I had
nothing but problems for the previous ten years and there were people in my new
environment who were better at it than me, plus I was bored with the science
major I was in and even less motivated to study.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">A consequence of my high-pressure state before the entrance
exams, was that I began to indulge myself. I found that I had lost even my previous
nerd-like skills when I graduated. I had failed two exams, had no glamorous
resume, and watched many people who were not as good at swotting as I had been
in the past go on to graduate school. Perhaps out of jealousy, I began to doubt
my past pursuits and began to think seriously about what the aura of high
education really meant. When I hit the biggest low point in my academic career,
I thought of revolutionaries who had also hit low points in their lives in the
past, and I wanted to understand that period of history and how Chairman Mao
had come out of his low point in life. Therefore, I bought a set of Mao's
Selected Works and was instantly fascinated by it.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><u><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">II. Mao Zedong's thought has caused a change in my mind<o:p></o:p></span></u></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In fact, every Chinese is no stranger to the life and
thought of Chairman Mao, but the impression is mostly that of textbooks with
their running biographies and grand political declarations, like a mathematical
problem for which the answer is given directly and the middle process is
omitted, which is somewhat offensive. Chairman Mao explains in detail, in plain
language, how he refined his ideas step by step during the revolutionary
struggle. Both of my examinations ended in failure, but they did allow me to
take to heart famous historical events of the modern era, and I was quickly
surprised by Chairman Mao's conviction as I knew exactly the revolutionary
situation that corresponded to the writing of each essay in Mao's selection.
Chairman Mao's most outstanding characteristic was not his wisdom or literary
skills, but his consistent belief in the power of the people, regardless of
whether the objective situation of the revolution was at a low ebb, and his
confidence in the people was never at a low ebb. I was strongly attracted by
Chairman Mao's ideas, which drove me to learn more about his deeds and Marxist
ideas, and to start thinking about my own life and the current state of society.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In July this year, I joined a manufacturing central
enterprise, along with several other undergraduates and postgraduates who
graduated from 985 and 211. Shortly after joining the company, the leaders (who
have a PhD) organised a welcoming wine party and forced the newcomers to drink <i>baijiu<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/Chinese%20Society%20English%20Chapters/7.23.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
</i>and to play the game (that is, to have a drink with each person at the
table), and I could barely cope with it. After the drinks had been consumed,
the leaders started to gather around the only female employee in the room and
started to "educate" us newcomers that the company would focus on
training us, that we should adapt to the workplace as soon as possible, and
that we should learn to say appropriate things to liven up the atmosphere at
the drinking party. Perhaps in the past I would have taken these
"teachings" as true and aspired to be a leader, but after learning
about Mao Zedong's thought, I realised that in the past I was only after the
high income and social status represented by a high degree, whereas Chairman
Mao was a minister of the Guomindang at the age of 33, but gave up his high
position for the sake of the people at the bottom. I have since changed my past
pursuits and become a committed Marxist.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">With the explosion of small-town nerds, I also learnt online
that many people come from similar backgrounds to me and have the same
troubles. After reading Mao I knew that there must be a deeper reason for this
social phenomenon and I began to try to analyse the plight of the small-town nerd
in terms of Mao's thought.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><u><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">III. Looking at the small-town nerd in the light of Mao's
thought<o:p></o:p></span></u></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It seems to me that the 5 volumes of Mao's Selected Works
are about two issues throughout, one is how to distinguish between friends and
enemies; the other is how to unite friends to defeat enemies. These two issues
are not isolated but interlinked; as events develop, old enemies are destroyed
and then new ones are created, and these new enemies may also be former friends
who need to be distinguished again. These two issues cover the whole course of
history from individual to national development. I used to think that by going
to a prestigious school I would be able to make more friends with the upper
echelons of society, thinking that all prestigious students were like-minded friends.
But when I realised the gap between myself and the rest of my classmates, I was
thrown into doubt. For the small-town nerds, getting into a top school is like
frogs that have climbed so hard towards the top of the well that most need to
stop and rest and marvel at the size of the world, and hardly know where to go
next right away; whereas those with social resources are like a bird resting at
the well, having seen the world beyond and knowing exactly where they are going
to fly. The biggest delusion of the small-town nerds and the people around them
is that frogs that have reached the same height as birds can naturally fly. I
thought it was easy for students from famous schools to understand each other,
so I shared my experience of studying Mao Zedong Thought with my new colleagues
from the same famous school. As a result, they were dismissive, and one of them
even said that I had been brainwashed. I really couldn’t imagine a CCP member
who graduated from 985 graduate school, who would denounce Mao Zedong Thought
as brainwashing. At that time, I realized that frogs and birds can never be the
same.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">So according to Mao Zedong's thought, who are the friends
and who are the real enemies of the small-town nerds? In the past, high
education represented high quality and the assumption of more social
responsibilities, but nowadays high education is linked to high income. In
essence, the bourgeoisie, in order to ease class conflicts, has deliberately
taken out a little resource to distribute to the highly educated people,
creating a belief system for the proletariat that acquiring high education will
lead to high income, which I call the highly educated belief. Under the poison
of highly educated beliefs, the proletariat at large have pinned their hopes on
their next generation, given up their rights and interests, and their sense of
struggle has been constantly weakened. The highly educated next generation they
have painstakingly nurtured, a few of whom have tasted the sweetness of
capital, are quick to turn around and oppress the proletariat, while others are
struggling for the scraps of food that they have not yet received, and these
are the small-town nerds. But they generally despise the manual workers and
few, if any, turn back to the proletariat that nurtured them.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Unlike Hinduism, which emphasises the reincarnation of
nothingness, highly educated beliefs still have a very small chance of success,
but those who do succeed invariably betray the proletariat. Under the influence
of highly educated beliefs, more and more parents are sending their children
into this only avenue, and with the downturn in the world economic situation
making the bourgeoisie reluctant to put up the resources they had originally
parted with, the avenue is narrowing, a phenomenon some call “involution”.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It follows that the real friend of the small-town nerd is
the proletariat that has painstakingly nurtured itself, just like the frog that
climbs to the mouth of the well, its friend is always the rest of its kind that
is still struggling at the bottom. Chairman Mao said that the intellectuals are
the hair and the proletariat is the skin; if the skin does not exist, how can
the hair be attached? The real enemy of the small-town nerd is the bourgeoisie,
the people who forge highly educated beliefs. We should not be grateful for
this access; on the contrary, this access was forged by the bourgeoisie with
the blood and tears of our fathers and we should be acutely aware that the
people who built it are the real enemies.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In my opinion, small-town nerds are people who can
understand and accept Maoist thought. Firstly, we have a certain stock of
knowledge and the ability to learn, we know the history of the revolution and
can understand and digest the theoretical knowledge of Marxism; secondly, the
increased difficulty of acquiring wealth and status for small-town nerds has
forced us to re-examine the highly educated beliefs built by the bourgeoisie;
finally, small-town nerds are able to understand the condition of the working
class, their families of origin are either proletarian or other underclass
groups, who are naturally on the side of the proletariat.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">We have a strong desire to change the situation of our
fathers and mothers, and we should and must extend our sympathy for our parents
to the working class and working people as a whole if we are to have any hope.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Opposing highly educated beliefs does not mean that one
should give up high qualifications, but that one should not pursue them for
material gain. On the contrary, the proletarian ranks need highly educated and
qualified people, and they need someone to study in-depth knowledge of Marxist
theory. The old generation of revolutionary leaders basically had a solid
theoretical background. Small-town nerds should actively study and spread
Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought in the present day. However, there are still
many small-town nerds who dismiss these theories as "brainwashing".
For this reason, Marxist-related courses in universities are largely to blame.
The content of textbooks nowadays is always geared towards examinations, and
the questions in examinations are simply about what Chairman Mao did and what
ideas he put forward at what time. Apart from being boring and dogmatic, such
content is also filled with a heroic view of history. Although there are
phrases such as "Chairman Mao relied on the people to achieve
victory", there is no explanation of the role played by the people, and
the constant repetition of such phrases only reflects the role of Mao Zedong
alone. The heroic view of history can stifle human initiative, erase the
contribution of the people in history, and make people think that revolution is
only the business of one or two leaders. Throughout his life, Chairman Mao
devoted himself to mobilising the power of the people and raising their
consciousness. The language of Mao's Selected Works is so approachable also
because Chairman Mao tried so hard to pass on his ideas to his readers, and he
wanted everyone to carry on his cause: "The spring wind blows amid profuse
willow wands, Six hundred million in this land all equal Yao and Shun"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/Chinese%20Society%20English%20Chapters/7.23.docx#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><u><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">IV. The present difficulties of small-town nerds and
other Marxists<o:p></o:p></span></u></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">One is the influence of negative paternal thinking. Under
the influence of highly educated beliefs, parents devalue the manual labour
they perform, while having a weak sense of rights and struggle, and this
thinking more or less affects the next generation. For me, the mud-covered
workers were my parents, the group I knew and was closest to, while the
well-dressed capitalists in the city skyscrapers did not interest me even if
they earned more. And there are many small-town do-gooders who are influenced
by their parents and their highly educated beliefs to look down on manual
labourers and to be willingly exploited by capitalists.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Secondly, because of the Matthew effect on educational
resources, the number of students from humble backgrounds who can get into top
schools will gradually become fewer, and the number of small-town nerds will
also decrease, and the group of people who can understand Marxism quickly will
shrink. But in the long run, when access is completely closed, more people are
bound to take up the arms of Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought (they just won't
understand it as quickly, relatively speaking).<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Thirdly, society as a whole has a mindset that emphasises
science over literature. Science and engineering education strengthened
people's understanding of the natural sciences and promoted scientific and
technological progress. But it has neglected thinking about social issues and
the cultivation of the humanities. Except for a few highly qualified
scientists, the vast majority of people trained in science and engineering will
become a screw in the service of capital operations, a product of the
alienation of labour, thus neglecting to think about social humanity. I was
also disgusted with my undergraduate major because I understood that the
prospect of the major was to spend day after day in a lab, and felt that life
was meaningless, when for some people this kind of work is the only opportunity
for upward mobility. This is one of the reasons why I went from small-town nerd
to Marxist.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p><p>
</p><div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/Chinese%20Society%20English%20Chapters/7.23.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> "Small
town nerds", is a new item of online vocabulary, and refers to "young
students who were born in small towns, study hard, and are good at taking
exams, but lack a certain vision and resources." “Small town nerds” originated from a group of
more than 50,000 members on Douban.com. The group stated in its introduction
that the main function of the group is to "share failure stories" for
"failed students" in "985" and "211"
universities. They are part of the same generation whose dissatisfaction with
social competitiveness has led to the phenomenon of “lying low”.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/Chinese%20Society%20English%20Chapters/7.23.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">See Note 1, chapter 4.13<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/Chinese%20Society%20English%20Chapters/7.23.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <i><span lang="EN-US">Baijiu</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> is a colourless spirit usually distilled from
sorghum, but may have other grains as well. It can range from 35-60% alcohol by
volume and is usually consumed in quite small glasses at banquets and meals.
Probably the most famous <i>baijiu</i> by brand name is Maotai.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/Chinese%20Society%20English%20Chapters/7.23.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">Lines from Chairman Mao’s poem <i>Farewell
to the God of Plague </i>written on July 1, 1958. Yao and Shun were legendary
monarchs in ancient China, believed to be saints and wise leaders of the
people.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
</div><p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-75038922713653218142022-01-15T15:06:00.004-08:002022-01-15T15:06:21.549-08:00Qian Changming: How to Achieve "Let the People Supervise the Government"? –On the question of proletarian democracy.<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhmCZJ1KNP-hQWbFZn9ZKgvm2mO-ovtIfcl6yBTybsuXSCzKM8K_CH8Sig_Y9_Q7q86PsoGLgEgvnJnyIkzzcGm5FAeIKusiuop22zmYlVQRNWOWr1kZfdmiNF1G_ZyDorLUC0Y4y0GqNsK7Gc6KtHqy7QX48hp2NJwCysn7r_kBKSsGFfwjA=s525" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="399" data-original-width="525" height="486" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhmCZJ1KNP-hQWbFZn9ZKgvm2mO-ovtIfcl6yBTybsuXSCzKM8K_CH8Sig_Y9_Q7q86PsoGLgEgvnJnyIkzzcGm5FAeIKusiuop22zmYlVQRNWOWr1kZfdmiNF1G_ZyDorLUC0Y4y0GqNsK7Gc6KtHqy7QX48hp2NJwCysn7r_kBKSsGFfwjA=w640-h486" width="640" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Qian Changming - 2022-01-06 - Source: Original<o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i>(Translator’s preface: Another careful piece by Qian
Changming which avoids criticising the capitalist-roaders running China today,
but which certainly damns them particularly through the quote from Mao: </i><i><span lang="EN-US">"We cannot understand the
question of the rights of the people to mean that the state is run by only a
section of the population, and that the people enjoy the rights to labour,
education, social security, etc., under the administration of these people."
The wording on the image above reads “Mao Zedong’s “big democracy” and “small
democracy” and shows workers utilizing the big character poster format to speak
out freely and supervise the Party and government.)</span><o:p></o:p></i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In July 1945, Chairman Mao said in his "Cave
Conversation"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Qian%20Changming/On%20the%20question%20of%20proletarian%20democracy.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> on
"Breaking the Cycle of History": "We have found a new way, and
we can jump out of this cyclical law. This new path is democracy. Only by
letting the people supervise the government will the government dare not relax.
Only when everyone stands up and is responsible will there be no 'death' of the
new regime”.<span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">By "democracy", Chairman Mao undoubtedly meant
"us" - the proletarian democracy that was introduced under the
conditions of the Communist Party taking power.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In October 1949, when New China was established, under the
leadership of the Party, the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference
(CPPCC), which represented people from all walks of life, was set up;
immediately afterwards, the National People's Congress (NPC) was elected by
democratic universal suffrage, and the government was organised, establishing a
people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the
alliance of workers and peasants. This is the political system of proletarian
democracy.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In theory,
the purpose of a proletarian democratic political system is to "serve the
people", and as long as this system is perfected, proletarian democracy
can be fully developed and the people can become the masters of their own
house. However, as a matter of fact, proletarian democratic political
institutions are also made up of human beings, and human beings can make
mistakes; moreover, due to historical limitations, even in socialist countries,
bourgeois right still existed for a long period of time, which inevitably led
some cadres to become bureaucratic and even "alienated" into a
bureaucratic class. This requires that "the people should supervise the
government", that "everyone should be held accountable", that a
certain balance be maintained in the relationship between "the
government" and "the people, to ensure that the people's power will
never be "alienated" or degenerated.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman
Mao was undoubtedly the first person to implement proletarian democracy.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">As early as
March 1949, in his report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China, Chairman Mao warned the Party to be
on guard against the corruption of power. He stressed: "We have criticism
and self-criticism, the weapons of Marxism-Leninism. We are able to remove the
bad style and maintain the good style." In April 1950, the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China made another decision on the launching
of criticism and self-criticism in newspapers and publications.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In order to
"let the people monitor the government", the people must be allowed
to speak. Only when the people are allowed to speak through various channels
can there be "supervision" by the people.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To let the
people speak, the bureaucracy cannot be allowed to suppress mass criticism. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In January 1953, Chairman Mao launched a struggle
within the Party against "bureaucracy, commandism and lawlessness".
He gave instructions on one of the materials that "suppressing criticism
will lead to expulsion from the Party or a public trial by the people",
which led to one case of retaliation against someone who suppressed mass
criticism. Huang Yifeng, a veteran revolutionary who joined the Party in 1925,
was severely punished with "expulsion from the Party and withdrawal of all
administrative posts", which greatly educated all Party members.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"The handling of the Huang Yifeng case was a
manifestation of Chairman Mao's idea that Party members must be openly
supervised by the people, regardless of their position, in order to prevent
them from being corrupted by power.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In order to "let the people supervise the
government", Chairman Mao encouraged the people to write big-character
posters to expose problems as early as 1958, realising the "Big Speaking
Out, Big Airing of Views, Big Character Posters and Big Debates". Later
on, these "four major" rights of the people were written into the
1975 Constitution.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;">Chairman Mao has repeatedly stressed: "</span><span style="background: white;">In short, let other people speak out. The
heavens will not fall and you will not be thrown out. If you do not let others
speak, then the day will surely come when you are thrown out</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;">."
(Speech at the Enlarged Central Working Conference, 30 January 1962)<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To "open the door to the Party" and let the
non-Party people judge Party members together is also a manifestation of
"letting the people supervise the government". The proletarian
democratic political system is led by the Communist Party, and supervision of
the Communist Party is, in essence, supervision of the government.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao not only implemented proletarian
democracy in practice, but also perfected it from a theoretical point of view.
from December 1959 to February 1960, when he gathered several Party comrades in
a collective study of the Soviet Textbook of Political Economy, he made a
profound observation on the question of perfecting proletarian democracy.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"We cannot understand the question of the rights
of the people to mean that the state is run by only a section of the
population, and that the people enjoy the rights to labour, education, social
security, etc., under the administration of these people." "The right
of workers to manage the state, to manage the army, to manage all kinds of
enterprises, to manage culture and education, is in fact the greatest right,
the most fundamental right, of workers under the socialist system. Without this
right, the workers' rights to work, to rest, to education, and so on, are not
guaranteed."<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This is the deepening of the idea that "only when
everyone rises up and takes responsibility will the government not be
destroyed". How can the people directly exercise their rights as
"masters" and supervise the government by "everyone rising up
and taking responsibility"? In the final analysis, it is the people
themselves who must participate in the management, otherwise it will not be put
into practice.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">How can we achieve direct participation of the people
in the management of state affairs, and how can we realise that "the
people must manage the superstructure themselves"? Obviously, this is a
brand new subject, which depends on the exploration and practice of proletarian
democracy. In fact, this exploration and practice can begin with the
implementation of the electoral system of the Paris Commune.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The comprehensive electoral system of the Paris
Commune had several major features: firstly, all leaders were directly elected
by the people; secondly, elected leaders had to be accountable to the people
and subject to their supervision; thirdly, the electors could remove the
elected at any time; fourthly, all elected public officials received only a
salary equivalent to a worker's wage and all privileges enjoyed by bourgeois
state officials were abolished.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">On the basis of the introduction of the electoral
system of the Paris Commune, the concrete practice of direct participation by
the people in the management of state affairs and all areas of the
superstructure should be further explored. This should be a long process of
practice and only persistent exploration will bear fruit.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To perfect proletarian democracy, the central question
has always been: how best to let the people speak and "let the people
supervise the government"!<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="http://www.wyzxwk.com/Article/zatan/2022/01/447930.html"><span lang="ZH-CN">钱昌明:怎样实现</span>“<span lang="ZH-CN">让人民来监督政府</span>”? ——<span lang="ZH-CN">兼谈无产阶级民主问题</span>
- <span lang="ZH-CN">乌有之乡</span> (wyzxwk.com)</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Qian%20Changming/On%20the%20question%20of%20proletarian%20democracy.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span style="line-height: 107%;">The “cave
conversation” refers to a conversation about democratic China between Mao
Zedong and Huang Yanpei in the cave living room of Mao Zedong's residence in
Yan'an in July 1945. Asked by Huang Yanpei how to change the law of the
dynastic cycle, according to which a dynasty existed until it lost the mandate of
Heaven and was replaced by a new dynasty, Mao Zedong said, "We have found
a new way, and we can jump out of this cyclical law. This new path is
democracy. Only by letting the people supervise the government will the
government dare not relax. Only when everyone stands up and is responsible will
there be no 'death' of the new regime”.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
</div>
</div></div><p><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-17335274248754898752022-01-09T16:12:00.002-08:002022-01-09T16:12:41.291-08:00Day in the Life of a Chinese Telemarketing Company<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi8J1JACmqF-GkN6pR04vH4s4rX5s3kDR3YFFOW56R7DPSMVSIRDaCltSR-vTlzQfN99AfHsG2Iw0UOTc9DcevOGfZ9phN9ujrP3_SfBZYc7MXgsrETdvjV_ymnC_-1ZxAReXpM/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="422" data-original-width="673" height="402" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi8J1JACmqF-GkN6pR04vH4s4rX5s3kDR3YFFOW56R7DPSMVSIRDaCltSR-vTlzQfN99AfHsG2Iw0UOTc9DcevOGfZ9phN9ujrP3_SfBZYc7MXgsrETdvjV_ymnC_-1ZxAReXpM/w640-h402/image.png" width="640" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p>(<i>Translator's preface: This is one section of a 170-page report prepared two years ago under the title "Chinese Society Survey Research" and looking at the conditions faced by different sections of workers in China. Its editors are quite clear that a restoration of capitalism has occurred in China and that workers are exploited and denied the rights due to them in a socialist society. I have added several footnotes to explain some of the words and phrases used by the worker who is relating this particular section. The graphic above is from the Chinese website </i><a href="https://youngchina.review/archives/299">是小资,还是脑力劳动无产者 | 少年中国评论 (youngchina.review)</a> <i>and an article there titled "Is it the petty-bourgeoisie or the brain-power proletariat?")</i></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Editor's note: This article gives a brief overview of the
basics of a 50-person sized telemarketing company. Through this article, we can
get a general idea of the problems of this type of small sales company that
exists in large numbers: long working hours, severe oppression, widespread
illegal matters, and a class consciousness that has not yet been awakened in
most employees.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It is common for service workers, brainwashed by success
stories, poisoned by chicken soup texts<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/China%20Society%20research/2.1.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
and bound by consumerism, to be somewhat less aware and less organised than
manufacturing workers, so the awakening of class consciousness among the
employees of such companies tends to come later. However, it is clear that the
author of this article possesses a clear class consciousness, which also
suggests that even in such industries, advanced proletarians are beginning to
emerge gradually.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><u><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I. Basic information<o:p></o:p></span></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I am a native of Henan, living in the countryside since I
was a child, an only child, and my parents are engaged in farming.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">After I graduated from college in 2013, my first job was as
a down-loader in a machinery factory in my hometown, mainly cutting, bending
and punching steel plates. I was not satisfied with the 2,000 yuan salary in
the machine shop and hoped to earn more money to change my family's plight.
Soon after, I quit my job and moved to the big city to look for a way out. I
joined a telemarketing company in Guangzhou because I had heard people say that
sales could make a lot of money. It was a small company, and in this company, I
felt the pressure of capital on us.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The size of the company was more than 40 people, including
the boss, and there were four business groups, each with a team leader who was
responsible for coordinating about ten people under him. The company's business
was very simple. The boss distributes telephone resources to each group, and
each group member gets a list of names and makes telephone calls to contact
customers and sell products. The team leader assists the team members by
teaching them sales techniques, helping them to upgrade and maintain their
customers, enlivening the atmosphere, etc.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Initially there was some novelty when I started working at
the company, but after a few days I fell into a boring repetition of work.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Every day the work is a repetition of a boring process.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I arrive at 8.30am for the morning meeting, where the leader
rewards and punishes the work done yesterday. The rewards and punishments were
simple and brutal: those who completed their tasks were given money directly,
those who did not were criticised and hung, and there were even corporal
punishments, such as push-ups for boys and squats for girls. The internet often
reveals all kinds of strange corporal punishment, such as slapping each other
and learning how to crawl, which are not uncommon in this industry.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">After the corporal punishment, the team leader routinely
gives everyone a chicken blood injection<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/China%20Society%20research/2.1.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
and pours chicken soup texts. This kind of stuff was a little refreshing at
first two times, but then there was nothing left but disgust.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The job started at 9 o'clock and consisted of making phone
calls to customers to sell products. Out of a hundred calls, ninety or so are
rudely disconnected, and the fragile mind is constantly broken. The whole
morning was spent on the phone constantly. It was hard to get through to 12
o'clock, so we were happy to leave work for lunch, followed by a rare lunch
break of one and a half hours.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The lunch break ends at 1.30 and the whole staff play games
or do a group dance, which is done to wake us up so we don't slack off. At two
o'clock the afternoon officially begins, still making phone calls to clients.
Repetition after repetition, dull and boring. There was no skill involved and
the whole thing became an appendage to the job.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In the afternoon, you have to keep calling from two o'clock
to six o'clock. Imagine what kind of torture it is to be on the phone all day.
Dinner was served at six, and after a short break, the party started at seven.
At the party, the leaders take us through a summary of the day's takeaways,
with those who have achieved sharing their success stories and learning to
exchange sales techniques. At around 7.30pm, we start the evening work and
continue to call and sweep customers. At 9:30 pm, those who have completed
their tasks can leave work, and those who have not completed their sales tasks
work overtime until 11:00 pm.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Such is the life of a day, from 8.30am to 9.30pm (or even
11pm), all the time on the phone, apart from meals, meetings and a few breaks.
And all the calls, the vast majority of them, were hung up on. Boring, dull and
torturous. It is rare to have a happy moment in a day, and perhaps the happiest
time is when you go for a late dinner with your colleagues after work.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><u>II. Pay situation</u><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In such a boring life, our salary is also pitifully low. We
are paid a base salary plus commission, with a base salary of 3,000 and a
commission of ten points on sales performance. The company team leader is also
paid a base salary plus commission, with a base salary of 5,000 and a
commission of three points of the team's overall performance. If the team
leader also does business himself, he also has 10 points of commission for his
own business.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">As for overtime pay, that is a matter of legend, in law but
not in reality. Apart from overtime pay, there are many things that companies
do that are illegal. In fact, this is often the case with such small companies,
where violations are everywhere, and I will list them roughly as follows: (1)
The source of telephone numbers is usually obtained illegally by the owner
through certain channels. (2) No labour agreement is signed with the employee,
and no social security is bought for the employee, and the employee is usually
also made to sign a waiver of social security agreement. Based on an average
salary of 4,000 yuan per month, the company can make an illegal profit of 800
yuan per person per month by paying less social security, which is 40,000 yuan
for 50 people, or 480,000 yuan a year. (3) Cash wages are generally given to
employees as a means of tax evasion. (4) Corporal punishment and even verbal
abuse of employees is common. (5) All that is needed to dismiss an employee is
a word from the boss or team leader, and there is no compensation for
dismissing the employee, and the employee's performance commission or even
normal salary is not paid after dismissal. In this way, the company deducts the
hard-earned money of the employees every year.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">However, although the law is serious, labour disputes are
not much, because in the telemarketing industry, employees generally do not
have a strong sense of rights, the general staff will not have any disputes
with the company.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><u>III. Preliminary analysis</u><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Inside the company, the boss has absolute authority and is
the ruling class (bourgeoisie) of our company. The team leader pleases the boss
at the top and oppresses the staff at the bottom. His salary is a bit higher
than the ordinary staff, but it is also difficult to buy a house and settle
down, and he belongs to the middle class which is dependent on the bourgeoisie.
I think they are actually the proletariat, but their consciousness is
brainwashed by the boss. We, the employees, are at the bottom of the pile and
tend to go against the grain. It doesn't matter if the staff are united or not,
most of them still have a good relationship in private, but there is no sense
of rebellion. One reason is the status quo of the industry, the default
unspoken rules, and the second is that we have been brainwashed by the
corporate culture of these companies, and our class consciousness has not
awakened. They have never thought of using legal means to protect their rights,
because the jobs they do are not particularly bright jobs, and they are
harassed during the phone calls rather than directly at work. The employees
themselves are actually disgusted with the work they do, but in order to make
quick money, they are greedy for comfort, and they are not willing to get
steady and reliable jobs to make real money.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Employees like us, who save money every month, can only live
at the bottom of the ladder.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I was doing very well because I was doing well personally
and I got over 7,000 a month. Every month after I got paid, I would send home
2000 to my parents. The rest of the money, rent 700, daily meals 900 (30 per
day), smoking 300 per month (10 yuan a box per day), other expenses almost
nothing. Because I'm frugal and want to save up for the future. I spend very
little on socialising and only go out for a meal with friends once a month,
spending a few hundred dollars at most. I don't buy a lot of household items,
and when I do, I try to buy cheap ones, a few dozen a month. Basically, the
monthly fixed expenditure is more than 4,000 yuan (including 2,000 yuan for my
parents). In a year, I can save about 40,000 yuan (not including the amount
given to my parents).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">There are actually not many employees like me. Firstly, many
colleagues do not earn a high income, basically a base salary; this part of the
people resigned or don’t dare hand in their own resignation. Staff mobility is
particularly large, in a few months they will be replaced by a group of fresh
blood. In addition, many colleagues will go to KTV, bars and bathing centres to
spend money after they are paid, especially those with good performance in that
month. Some of them will also buy things they like, such as designer clothes,
etc. In this way, many colleagues cannot save much money in a year, and some
even have to borrow money for the New Year.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Such small companies exist in large numbers in China, and
many of them are in the grey areas and on the edge of the law, not only
exploiting the rights of their employees, but also defrauding their clients.
The company instils in us a wolfish culture, consumerism and hedonism, which
leads to employees losing their sense of morality by any means in order to
perform, losing their sense of rights in the general competition, becoming numb
in the illusion of getting rich, and becoming penniless in the atmosphere of
hedonism, with the end result that employees become more dependent on the
company.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/China%20Society%20research/2.1.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> “Chicken
soup text” is an internet buzz word for articles designed to inspire people,
but which often leads to a mind-numbing outcome.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They are often seen on popular platforms like
QQ. Many of those who do pyramid schemes or disguised pyramid schemes also give
very positive speeches, but their content is false and misleading.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2020/China%20Society%20research/2.1.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Chicken
blood is an expression of behaviour that is used to satirise the person's
sudden emotional exuberance towards a particular person or thing. It originated
in the 1980s from a health care method called "chicken blood
therapy", in which the blood of a year-old rooster was drawn out and
injected into a person. It was popular among the old cadres. People who had
chicken blood injected into them had a red face and were said to be mentally and
physically stimulated.<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
</div><i></i><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-40350198556749442802022-01-06T00:44:00.000-08:002022-01-06T00:44:02.293-08:00Mao Zedong repeatedly blocked his image from being printed on the RMB <p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(<i>Translator’s preface: Mao Zedong set a great example of personal
modesty and plain living. During the
Cultural Revolution, personal worship of Mao was taken to ridiculous
lengths. He was eulogised everywhere as “Great
Leader, Great Teacher, Great Helmsman and Great Commander-in-Chief”, but said
he hated this and wanted to be known only as a teacher, a profession he trained
for and worked as in his early years.
During his lifetime, he forbade the printing of his image on the nation’s
currency. It is a great irony that following his death and the restoration of
capitalism, the currency that accompanied the emergence of billionaires by the
dozen carried the image of this great Communist. The images of the currency have been sourced by me, and the italicised notes with them are mine.)</i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">2020-10-6 <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The yuan used in China has accompanied the establishment and
growth of the People's Republic for nearly 60 years of trials and tribulations.
It was born under the fire of the Liberation War and developed during the
booming period of socialist construction and reform and opening up, with a
total of five sets issued in succession. The head of the founding leader and
great man of the century, Mao Zedong, was finally solemnly emblazoned on the
RMB in the fourth set, which was printed and issued from 1987 to 1992, and in
the fifth set, which was issued on the 50th anniversary of the National Day in
1999. It would have been possible for Mao Zedong's portrait to be on the
currency to meet the long-awaited people much earlier. This is because Mao
Zedong had firmly refused to have his image printed on the RMB several times
during his lifetime.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In April 1947, the Central Committee of the Communist Party
of China appointed Dong Biwu to prepare for the establishment of the People's
Bank of China and to organise the design and printing of the RMB at the same
time.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The People's Bank of China was originally scheduled to be
established and issue RMB on 1 January 1949. However, in view of the prospect
of victory in the People's Liberation War, it was decided to bring forward the
official opening of the bank by one month, i.e. 1 December 1948, and at the
same time to convert the eight currencies of the various base areas into RMB at
a uniform rate.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The design of the new currency was entrusted to Wang Yijiu
and Shen Naiyong of the Jinchaji Border Area Printing Bureau. During the design
process, the designers, initially full of reverence and in accordance with
Chinese and foreign currency design practices, unanimously decided that the
head of Mao Zedong, the founding leader of the Republic, should be placed on
the face of the RMB, and submitted the design along these lines to the Party
Central Committee for approval.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">However, after seeing the draft submitted for review, Mao
Zedong said in a very serious and strict manner a thought-provoking statement,
"The RMB belongs to the state and is issued by the government, not the
Party, and I am now the Chairman of the Party, not the Chairman of the
government, so how can my head be printed on it?"<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The design had to be changed because Mao Zedong's words were
so eloquent and his subjective consciousness so sincere and disciplined,
justified to the point of being impeccable. On the advice of Nan Hanchen,
General Manager of the People's Bank of China, the final design was to reflect
the masses of workers and peasants in the liberated areas and the construction
of production. All the Chinese characters on the currency including
"People's Bank of China", were written in standard block letters by
Dong Biwu, who was the Chairman of the North China People's Government at the
time. The RMB was printed by the Jiamusi Dongzhao Bank printing factory. The
first batch of RMB was issued in Shijiazhuang, Hebei Province, at 9am on 1
December 1948, in the form of three types of banknotes: the five yuan, two yuan
and one yuan.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgA5po4Nh4Yfz_6yjkA3Y_Iv-buRJ1M989BWbyfx1kuhdcVNDyxjUHQYkjeZlzIhfQoltJdZQk0ahiTcHlVh5lHZbxnZu86a0-rby-BFtITseVR7IEnwvodf3n_dddQt7Oa1LkA/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="485" data-original-width="940" height="330" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgA5po4Nh4Yfz_6yjkA3Y_Iv-buRJ1M989BWbyfx1kuhdcVNDyxjUHQYkjeZlzIhfQoltJdZQk0ahiTcHlVh5lHZbxnZu86a0-rby-BFtITseVR7IEnwvodf3n_dddQt7Oa1LkA/w640-h330/image.png" width="640" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /><i>(Above: the 12 denominations of the first issue ranged from 1 to 50,000 yuan, reflecting the inflation inherited from the defeated Guomindang regime).</i></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The first set of RMB was printed and issued in 12
denominations and 62 editions from 1 December 1948 until December 1953. This
set of notes from the early years of the country's existence focuses on
reflecting the party line, policies and the will of the people at the time. Of
these, 23 plates show the theme of establishing industrialisation, 20 plates
reflect the theme of developing production, and four plates show the theme of
the workers' and peasants' alliance. Due to Mao's strong principles and ample
powers of persuasion, the history of his head on the currency had to be
deferred.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">On October 1, 1949, the People's Republic of China was
proclaimed. Shi Lei, then head of the issuance section of the People's Bank of
China, asked the governor of the People's Bank of China, Nan Hanchen, "Now
that Mao Zedong has become the chairman of the central government, is it
possible to print the image of Chairman Mao on the RMB?" Nan Hanchen
nodded approvingly and said, "I have never forgotten about this. Let's
think of it together." Nan Hanchen then shook his head a few times and
said with deep regret, "It's just that the Chairman, the old man<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Mao%20blocked%20his%20portrait%20on%20the%20currency%20ENG.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
still refuses to do so. The other day, when I went to Zhongnanhai for a
meeting, I took advantage of the break between meetings to ask the Chairman for
advice face to face. The Chairman was very resolute and told me with a solemn
face, 'I have become the Chairman of the Government, but I cannot print it even
if I am the Chairman of the Government, because we had a decision at a meeting
before we went to the city. This decision was made at the Second Plenary
Session of the Seventh Central Committee held in March 1948, which stipulated
that it was forbidden to give birthday wishes to party leaders and to use the
names of leaders as names of places, cities, streets, buildings and factories,
so as to prevent some comrades from becoming complacent, singing praises,
greedy for enjoyment and not seeking progress because of their victories, and
to enable comrades to maintain their style of hard work and wholehearted
service to the people ." Shi Lei nodded his head in conviction and said
yes. For, as he had truly heard, the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh
Central Committee of the Party had indeed made a ban on birthday celebrations for
Party leaders and the use of the names of Party leaders as place names, as
proposed by Chairman Mao Zedong.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In April 1950, Luo Gongliu and Zhou Lingzhao, renowned art
professors, began work on the design of the second set of RMB in accordance
with the decision of the Central Government. Based on international
conventions, and in view of the uniqueness and anti-counterfeiting nature of
the leader's portrait, they considered that the Soviet ruble had the portrait
of Lenin, the American dollar had the portrait of Washington and Lincoln, the
British pound had the portrait of the Queen, and so on, and it was logical that
the new Chinese renminbi should bear the portrait of Mao Zedong, the leader who
had established immortal feats for China and was much beloved by the Chinese
people. They then carefully designed several sets of different images of Mao
Zedong: a 5 Yuan note with ethnic minorities carrying a portrait of Mao Zedong;
a 1 Yuan note with the portrait of Mao Zedong on the front of the Tiananmen
Square; and a 20 cent note with a locomotive with a striking portrait of Mao
Zedong.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">When the above preliminary proposal was submitted to the
Central Committee for approval, it was again met with the strong veto of
Chairman Mao Zedong. Once again, Mao Zedong took a strong stance and firmly
opposed the printing of his image on banknotes and repeatedly pointed out in
all seriousness: "The Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central
Committee of the Party has a rule that one, we should not make birthday
parties; two, we should not give gifts; three, we should give fewer toasts;
four, we should clap less; five, we should not use people's names as place
names; and six, we should not list Chinese comrades on a par with Marx, Engels,
Lenin and Stalin. In order to stop the traditional phenomenon of singing the
praises of virtue, the Party resolution must be observed, that my image must
not be printed on the RMB."<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgkCIk_hhG42C45aHrCy3j8JJHMzHITTdJl_Wpwwr2GZEDeKaMYLZ2_1CgbwbMHaLNhbQ5gujXkuDJxOb6Jp4_3End0vG1uanECCDr5LcpuSRR8yg1Avrrxo2DkA1xzvwvgFXyQ/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="367" data-original-width="900" height="260" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgkCIk_hhG42C45aHrCy3j8JJHMzHITTdJl_Wpwwr2GZEDeKaMYLZ2_1CgbwbMHaLNhbQ5gujXkuDJxOb6Jp4_3End0vG1uanECCDr5LcpuSRR8yg1Avrrxo2DkA1xzvwvgFXyQ/w640-h260/image.png" width="640" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /><i>(Above: the second issue in 1955 had a conversion rate between the first and second series of 1:10,000, so the value of the existing 10,000 yuan note fell to one yuan. It reflected the victory of bringing inflation under control).</i></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It is evident that Mao Zedong always kept a clear head and a
sensible understanding that Mao's attitude was not a momentary modesty. He was
taking the lead in implementing the initiative of "making sure that
comrades maintain a modest, prudent, not arrogant, not impatient style, and
making sure that comrades maintain a style of hard work", which was put
forward at Xibaipo on the eve of the victory; he took the lead in seriously
practising the principle of "catching up" from Xibaipo to Beijing
"We will never be Li Zicheng, we will get good results in the
examination"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Mao%20blocked%20his%20portrait%20on%20the%20currency%20ENG.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">With such a firm attitude and orders from Mao Zedong, those
responsible for the design and production of the second edition of the RMB and
the specific staff had no choice but to comply with the orders. The good thing
is that Premier Zhou Enlai was extremely responsible for the design of the
notes and carefully reviewed them one by one, giving a series of instructions
and making specific comments.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">One day in 1953, Wang Wenhuan, director of the Printing
Bureau, approached the governor of the People's Bank of China, Nan Hanchen,
with the layout of 11 types of banknotes that had just been revised, to ask for
further instructions for review. Wang Wenhuan pointed out the layout and said,
"The 1 yuan note is Beijing Tiananmen Square, the 2 yuan note is Mount
Baota in Yan'an, and the 3 yuan note is Longyuankou in Jinggang Mountain. The 5
yuan note and the 10 yuan note use the image of national unity and the alliance
of workers and peasants, reflecting the foundation of our country. The whole
set is complete and unified in design, with an outstanding national style."
Nan Han Chen nodded in satisfaction. In this way, the second set of RMB 20-cent
notes, originally designed with a small head of Mao Zedong embedded in the
locomotive of the Mao Zedong, were eventually replaced with a five-pointed
star. Other items such as the portrait of Mao Zedong on the Tiananmen Square
Tower on the 1 Yuan note, and the portrait of the Chairman in the parade scene
of people of all ethnic groups holding up the portrait of Mao Zedong on the 5
Yuan note, were also all cancelled.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The original draft of this set of notes underwent repeated
revisions, adjustments and additions by the designer, and was written in Chinese
<i>wei</i>-style characters by Mr Ma Wenwei, a researcher at the head office.
It was then printed and issued in 11 denominations and 17 editions from 1 March
1955 until 20 April 1962. The plan to have Mao's portrait printed on the second
set of renminbi fell through again when Mao Zedong again unceremoniously
blocked it.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">When the third set of RMB was designed and issued, the
printing of Mao's head was not mentioned again because of the two previous
instances. However, during the Cultural Revolution, there was a ludicrous and
thought-provoking episode related to the printing of Mao's head. The story goes
like this: some people from the banknote printing factory cabled the head
office of the People's Bank of China, saying that they wanted to raise the
great red flag of Mao Zedong's Thought, that there was something wrong with the
RMB 1 yuan note being printed, and that the printing should be stopped immediately,
claiming that they wanted to print notes with the Chairman's head on them, and
that the head office should make a clear statement. The head office promptly
reported this to the Central Committee, and when Mao Zedong learned of it, he
again firmly opposed it and asked Zhou Enlai to convey the opinion that
"the Chairman does not agree to his image being printed on the RMB."
Thus the matter came to an end.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Premier Zhou Enlai was equally concerned about the design of
the third set of banknotes, providing strict control and careful guidance, and
proposing three specific amendments. This set of RMBs was printed and issued
from 20 April 1962 until 15 April 1980. In this way, the third set of RMBs
still did not have the portrait of Mao Zedong on them.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgGuzUwgIifPDv6Vjdkd7GsfVwlOGQdr8kHdapGlZc0wIVwukZnf02pX5oq8rzS3RmxlI-pezY-XDaeZW3EAV9IovC55NiMogOofio9nat1LSdtmPoFAMVYAY5hOsjyPEuZwSqm/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="421" data-original-width="940" height="179" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgGuzUwgIifPDv6Vjdkd7GsfVwlOGQdr8kHdapGlZc0wIVwukZnf02pX5oq8rzS3RmxlI-pezY-XDaeZW3EAV9IovC55NiMogOofio9nat1LSdtmPoFAMVYAY5hOsjyPEuZwSqm/w400-h179/image.png" width="400" /></a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i>(Above: a note from the third series which continued to feature the masses rather than Party leaders).</i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><br /></i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjgYWxgLk5Fmx1_kUYn2CeDerl6rlkYrK1QOqlawsmPApieEmtjEQnCXOCuWkB5mDCqWxSiofHUhuZyQmn9692j6C2Q4DYQiZOGTrGx9KfhJxmc4BM8XRhlBMgGtu4gHPVrBMhu/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="477" data-original-width="930" height="205" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjgYWxgLk5Fmx1_kUYn2CeDerl6rlkYrK1QOqlawsmPApieEmtjEQnCXOCuWkB5mDCqWxSiofHUhuZyQmn9692j6C2Q4DYQiZOGTrGx9KfhJxmc4BM8XRhlBMgGtu4gHPVrBMhu/w400-h205/image.png" width="400" /></a></div><br />( Liang Jun, China’s first female tractor driver and the
banknote on which she features. Below, the photo on which the engraving for the
note was based.</i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><br /></i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiB1MUY_jsxLPQPkr7FgheS5z5-TXiFtNvt96ThhS2R87zbPKn-mjX8NEHoj0Jhl1IFYiSGYpRRwMjYMciO1V6TMHZYb_QkDa-rRjmPmwBiHSl6zKk8RLxk_Qug86G76hQCFml3/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="489" data-original-width="940" height="332" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiB1MUY_jsxLPQPkr7FgheS5z5-TXiFtNvt96ThhS2R87zbPKn-mjX8NEHoj0Jhl1IFYiSGYpRRwMjYMciO1V6TMHZYb_QkDa-rRjmPmwBiHSl6zKk8RLxk_Qug86G76hQCFml3/w640-h332/image.png" width="640" /></a></div><br /></i>The fourth set of renminbi was designed in 1983, after the
end of the Cultural Revolution and the new period of reform and opening up that
followed the smashing of the Gang of Four. By this time, Mao Zedong and other
major leaders of the first generation of the Chinese Communist Party had passed
away.</span></div><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhDdKzQMoEB82Pk6f3PvabbOUWCso3ZtSN_EbiRN64uM7aENyevbVowCdtdr62_YMf37jElVKqfUJmBwXobpAPsM4M_TmuBetST_yX4HaPWPiED_yQe5Rsb-Ub6SSNqnPa13JpP/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="392" data-original-width="859" height="292" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhDdKzQMoEB82Pk6f3PvabbOUWCso3ZtSN_EbiRN64uM7aENyevbVowCdtdr62_YMf37jElVKqfUJmBwXobpAPsM4M_TmuBetST_yX4HaPWPiED_yQe5Rsb-Ub6SSNqnPa13JpP/w640-h292/image.png" width="640" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /><i>(</i></span><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Above and below: the one yuan denomination features images
of Yao and Dong minority nationality women. As a <span style="background: white; color: #111111; line-height: 107%;">16-year-old,
Shi Milkin was photgraphed in Guizhou
Province by one of the currency designers. Her family was poor, she had not read a book,
and she couldn’t speak Mandarin, but she graced the one yuan note issued in the
early 1980s.)</span></span></i><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="background: white; color: #111111; line-height: 107%;"></span></span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgeBNOkk8boL6h_BppthZ0_bCiv0UGMqULozjdXTiFnQK9DJwd7aij2ZS-2DpOTOmjQ9C9B5FlJ5aQf41rrbtMy2I-zoyILGultdY8ZkqDYSmihMSHyKoAQSiOiBj_ijcD9kNWG/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="406" data-original-width="781" height="332" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgeBNOkk8boL6h_BppthZ0_bCiv0UGMqULozjdXTiFnQK9DJwd7aij2ZS-2DpOTOmjQ9C9B5FlJ5aQf41rrbtMy2I-zoyILGultdY8ZkqDYSmihMSHyKoAQSiOiBj_ijcD9kNWG/w640-h332/image.png" width="640" /></a></span></i></div><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /><br /></span></i><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The design of this RMB was still undertaken by the design
team headed by Luo Gongliu. The initial design proposal was still for a maximum
denomination of 10 yuan. However, with the development of the commodity
economy, this small denomination became increasingly unable to meet the needs
of the market, especially when it came to buying valuables, it was inconvenient
to carry large amounts of cash and the general public wanted a larger
denomination of RMB to be issued. For this reason, the People's Bank submitted
to the State Council on the one hand to print additional large denominations of
RMB 50 and RMB 100, and on the other hand to assign new tasks to the design
team.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Inspired by the touching scenes of the crowds holding
portraits of the leaders in the past National Day parades, Luo Gongliu was
inspired to reflect the glorious images of the first generation of major
leaders of the new China. At the same time, it was also a beautiful wish that
had been deep in everyone's hearts for many years. So, after thorough research,
the designers agreed that the four leaders - Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi
and Zhu De - should be placed in relief on the 100 Yuan note to scientifically
summarise that "Mao Zedong Thought is the crystallisation of the
collective wisdom of the Chinese Communist Party".<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgC6Y-Sgh3cgxVyDZRLtvi_1jl_aJSU5lmGOevMmi0IrcvNxh6YrC7aAuh2LfBmQRflTuBOV5_qJLrs3GyAHvjtjrb1MXd6OZITtkNhEgl0GaFzCoBE0Aqm5Xvb5G_Pv4Z1alPc/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="451" data-original-width="940" height="193" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgC6Y-Sgh3cgxVyDZRLtvi_1jl_aJSU5lmGOevMmi0IrcvNxh6YrC7aAuh2LfBmQRflTuBOV5_qJLrs3GyAHvjtjrb1MXd6OZITtkNhEgl0GaFzCoBE0Aqm5Xvb5G_Pv4Z1alPc/w400-h193/image.png" width="400" /></a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i>(Above: Hmmm, Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi on the same banknote? Even though they were separated by Zhou Enlai, Liu's reappearance signaled the victory of his and Deng Xiaoping's decision to follow the capitalist road.)</i></span></div><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Although Mao Zedong was adamantly opposed to the printing of
his head in the past, with the changes and developments of the times, it was
imperative that the heads of the great men are printed on the face of the note.
In this way, it is not only a way to remember and permanently frame the great
achievements of the older proletarian revolutionaries, but also an effective
channel to educate the younger generation on revolutionary traditions.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In view of the fact that banknotes in many countries are
generally exchanged once every seven or eight years, and our country’s fourth
set of renminbi had been in circulation for more than 10 years, it was time to
gradually exchange new edition currency. Therefore, on September 30, 1999,
Premier Zhu Rongji issued the State Council Order No. 268, instructing the
People’s Bank of China to issue 100 yuan, 50 yuan, 20 yuan, 10 yuan, 5 yuan, 1
yuan, and 5 jiao and 1 jiao<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Mao%20blocked%20his%20portrait%20on%20the%20currency%20ENG.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
notes. The fifth set of renminbi with eight denominations was mixed with the
fourth set of renminbi. This was a major event in the construction of our
country’s currency system and a great gift on the 50th birthday of the
Republic.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh119c_IRzH-_E8hHXI8xkMcVxwUx7umHG5amqD1Vu7IKj_o4-j4y2d-ahRGgQW-yPTIPCqZ4fzYK2XLh8IMeseeiEQKLcztCNC_5xaGWwqnX2igb_-N4t5uMbvGapQec5vBX6W/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="477" data-original-width="940" height="324" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh119c_IRzH-_E8hHXI8xkMcVxwUx7umHG5amqD1Vu7IKj_o4-j4y2d-ahRGgQW-yPTIPCqZ4fzYK2XLh8IMeseeiEQKLcztCNC_5xaGWwqnX2igb_-N4t5uMbvGapQec5vBX6W/w640-h324/image.png" width="640" /></a></span></div><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i>(Above and below: the fifth series. The capitalist-roaders are adept at hiding behind this great Communist's image).</i></span></span></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">When people who were immersed in the rich, warm happiness of
celebrating the 50th anniversary of the founding of the country saw the head of
Mao Zedong at the beginning of the founding of the country stand out as the
main scene on the front of the fifth set of RMB 100 large notes, it was like a
gust of spring breeze pounding in their faces and a wisp of fresh fragrance
refreshing their hearts, and they were in an extraordinarily joyful and relaxed
mood. The enlarged head of Mao Zedong is very pleasing to the eye, very kind
and benevolent, fulfilling the long-standing wish of hundreds of millions of
people to venerate and remember the founding leader, which has profound
historical significance.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chinese original accessed at <a href="http://mayuan.wang/lunwen-15870-1-8.html"><span lang="ZH-CN">毛泽东屡阻在人民币上印他的像</span>_<span lang="ZH-CN">马院网</span>|<span lang="ZH-CN">红色故事</span>Mayuan.wang - Powered by Discuz!</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Mao%20blocked%20his%20portrait%20on%20the%20currency%20ENG.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">The term “laorenjia” (“the old man”)
is highly respectful in China.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Mao%20blocked%20his%20portrait%20on%20the%20currency%20ENG.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
This remark was made to Zhou Enlai as he and Mao prepared to leave
Xibaipo in rural China for Beijing. Li Zicheng was leader of a peasant
rebellion that invaded Beijing and, in 1644, toppled the Ming Dynasty. Even though he overran Beijing, the
would-be emperor failed to keep power because he and his colleagues alienated
the masses by adopting an aristocratic lifestyle. His rule lasted less than a
year. The reference to the imperial exams, which were taken in Beijing, was to
the test that Party cadres would have to take in facing the sugar-coated
bullets of the bourgeoisie once they had entered the cities.<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Mao%20blocked%20his%20portrait%20on%20the%20currency%20ENG.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span></span></a> </span><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">One jiao is equal to ten fen, or ten
cents.</span></span></p></div>
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-67922656585055514912022-01-04T16:29:00.005-08:002022-01-04T16:30:22.947-08:00Mao Zedong: "You can't be more special than others even when you're Chairman"<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7xavao-idLCW97ZlXnY9SCf4c_BAQ7j_pjQjlN8ghVqWm3hdKuok43Q08lW2NstKb6sHjU7fRm_dAbtUIfPGUKdSRox41Psc6dG4S6Kmsos0d4lngfVb0iGrju4PhPsiQPEGQ/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="596" data-original-width="437" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7xavao-idLCW97ZlXnY9SCf4c_BAQ7j_pjQjlN8ghVqWm3hdKuok43Q08lW2NstKb6sHjU7fRm_dAbtUIfPGUKdSRox41Psc6dG4S6Kmsos0d4lngfVb0iGrju4PhPsiQPEGQ/w469-h640/image.png" width="469" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i>(Above: Mao in Yan'an)</i></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><br /></i></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><i>(Translator’s preface: Given the extravagant and wasteful
consumption of China’s arrogant new rich, many citizens are remembering the example
of modesty, thrift, plain living and identification with the masses set by
Chairman Mao. I have been to the Shaoshan
Memorial Hall mentioned by the author in this article and seen the patched
clothes, sandals and receipts kept by Mao. No wonder he is so loved by so
many.)<o:p></o:p></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">By Zhu Bolin </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao always advocated a simple and frugal style of
living, and he himself took the lead and practised what he preached, seeing
himself as an ordinary member of the people and never using his position and
power for any personal gain.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">During the anti-Japanese war, a patriotic Chinese gave the
party leader two small cars, and it was agreed that the Chairman should be
given one first, as he was the leader of the party and most busy with his
official duties. However, the Chairman strongly disagreed, suggesting,
"First, we should consider the needs of military work, and second, we
should take care of the older comrades." So, according to the Chairman's
opinion, one car was allocated to Zhu Laojun, who was in charge of the
military, and the other car was allocated to the "five old men" (Xu
Teli, Dong Biwu, Xie Juezai, Lin Boqu and Wu Yuzhang). On one occasion, when
returning from a meeting in Zao Yuan, the Chairman was injured when his horse
was frightened and he fell off the horse. Zhu and the "Five Elders"
both offered to let the car go, and even drove it to the Chairman, but the
Chairman insisted on asking them all to take it back.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">During his life, Chairman Mao was very simple and never took
the initiative to add to his clothes, and the clothes, shoes and socks he wore
were often patches on top of patches. Shortly after the peaceful liberation of
Beiping<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Being%20Chairman%20doesn't%20mean%20being%20special%20ENG.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
the Chairman once prepared to visit Zhang Lan<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Being%20Chairman%20doesn't%20mean%20being%20special%20ENG.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
at the Beijing Hotel and felt that he should wear a decent outfit to show his
respect. The Chairman had always lived a simple life, and as he had been in the
war years for a long time, there was a shortage of household items, so his coat
was also patched at the time. Li Yinqiao, the chief guard, picked through all
of the Chairman's clothes, but could not find a single one without patches. So,
the Chairman had to visit Zhang Lan in his patched clothes without any
apologies. Later, the Chairman also met with Shen Junru, Li Jishen and other
democrats in patched clothes.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="background: white;">Winter in
Beijing is extremely cold. One night in November 1949, when the Chairman was
tired of working and went for a walk in the courtyard, a cold wind came up and
made him shiver. Li Jiaji, a guard, offered to get a pair of woollen trousers
to add to what the Chairman was wearing. When he returned to the house, Li
Jiaji took out the only pair of woollen trousers that the Chairman had been
wearing since the Long March and found that the patches were on top of each
other, and they were already torn beyond recognition, so he said to the
Chairman, "Chairman, your woollen trousers are really unwearable. I'll go
to the management section and get you a new pair." The Chairman shook his
head and said, "No, I’ll wear the woollen trousers underneath and the
others over the top. I'd rather trouble you to mend them for me." Li Jiaji
continued, " Chairman, you see, these trousers have been mended many
times, so it is impossible to mend them again, so it is better to get a new
one. You are the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Party, so it is only
right to ask the Management Section to buy you a new pair of woollen trousers. Faced
with the guard's strong suggestion, the Chairman sat on the sofa, slowly lit a
cigarette, pondered for a while, and patiently explained to Li Jiaji, "We
are serving the people, we are the people's orderlies, and being the Chairman
cannot make you more special than others, nor can we be detached from the
masses. Now things in our country are very difficult, many people still can't
afford to eat or wear clothes, they don't even have old wool trousers like me!
Better ask you to mend them for me, don't spend money on new ones." Seeing
this, Li Jiaji had no choice but to take out his needle and thread and mend
them carefully. The Chairman wore these woollen trousers until the winter of 1956,
when there was no way to mend them, and only then did he buy a new pair.</span><span style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="background: white;">The
Chairman's shoes were also mended again and again. A pair of leather slippers
that had been mended many times is on display at the Comrade Mao Zedong
Memorial Hall in Shaoshan. The slippers were worn by the Chairman on his first
visit to Moscow in the winter of 1949, when he first visited the Soviet Union
and had to travel by train for ten days or so, so in order to reduce his
fatigue on the journey, the train staff prepared a pair of leather slippers for
him. The Chairman was so pleased with the slippers that he took them home. From
then on, whether at home or on an expedition, the Chairman always took these
slippers with him. In the early 1960s, the Chairman once visited Hangzhou and
stayed at the guest house of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee. The
waiter at the guest house saw that the slippers were too old and worn out, so
he replaced them with new ones from the guest house, and was prepared to keep
the old leather slippers as a souvenir. When the staff around the Chairman
noticed it, they immediately stopped it because they knew that they could not
change anything without the Chairman's consent or they would be criticised. On
another occasion, when the Chairman was visiting Wuhan, the leather slippers
suddenly broke off their uppers because they were too old, and the staff rushed
to a shoe shop to have them repaired. When the shoe repairer saw the leather
slippers, he was very surprised: "They are already so worn out, what is
there to repair?" No matter how much the staff pleaded, he refused to mend
them. The staff had to find a piece of suede from a car to mend it themselves.</span><span style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span><span style="background: white; color: #444444;"> </span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJdtLQDwKn_pEgBibSCyA_oKFdYTkva83bTBdMVT8vA8YKkbtWpbV0c2vsJRRCg1N62uHlFcMLjm7KuGcdSLpnLUpL18oUG6pIVQE_1T1Y90Sxt9T-41mdoKv8TUnIiBA-nvo9/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="328" data-original-width="437" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJdtLQDwKn_pEgBibSCyA_oKFdYTkva83bTBdMVT8vA8YKkbtWpbV0c2vsJRRCg1N62uHlFcMLjm7KuGcdSLpnLUpL18oUG6pIVQE_1T1Y90Sxt9T-41mdoKv8TUnIiBA-nvo9/w400-h300/image.png" width="400" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /><o:p></o:p></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><span style="background: white; color: #444444;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: #444444; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">During a visit to Hunan, the
Chairman stayed at the Rong Yuan Hotel in Changsha. The guard on duty saw this
pair of tattered leather slippers in the corridor of the Chairman's residence
and, not knowing that they belonged to the Chairman, threw them away as
rubbish. When the Chairman returned from his trip, he was ready to change his
slippers, but the staff could not find the leather slippers, so they asked the
sentry on duty and found out the reason. Seeing this, the sentry was very
puzzled and aggrieved: "Who would know that such a tattered pair of
leather slippers belonged to the Chairman? Even ordinary people would have
already thrown them away." In June 1966, when the Chairman returned to
Shaoshan and stayed at the Dripping Water Cave, his slippers were again thrown
away as rubbish. It took the staff a lot of effort to get them back. One day,
the Chairman's slippers were broken again, but no master could be found in
Shaoshan to fix them, so the staff had to send them to Changsha on the way. In
Changsha, as soon as the shoe repairer saw the slippers, he shouted,
"What's the point of bringing them in to be repaired when they're in such
a state? It took a lot of persuasion to convince the shoe repairer to fix the
slippers. From then on, the staff never dared to take the slippers out for
repair again. When the slippers sometimes broke, the staff had to do it
themselves, and the patches on the slippers, which were of various sizes, were
the "work" of the staff around the Chairman. In the 1970s, no matter
how hard you tried, the slippers really couldn't be repaired. It was only then
that the Chairman agreed to say goodbye to his "old friend" who had
been with him for more than 20 years.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: #444444; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Not only was he not fussy about
what he wore, but Chairman Mao was also not fussy about what he ate. During the
three years of hardship<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Being%20Chairman%20doesn't%20mean%20being%20special%20ENG.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #444444; line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
Chairman Mao insisted on sharing the hardships with the whole nation. He said
to his staff, "Many places in the country are suffering from disasters,
and many people are starving, so should we stop eating meat and drinking tea?
Shall we take the lead?" "People are forcing debts (referring to the
Soviet Union's broken contracts), let's eat a little less meat and try to pay
off our debts in three years." The year 1960 was the most difficult year,
when the Chairman did not eat a single morsel of meat for seven months. Due to
the lack of nutrition for a long time, the Chairman, like many other people,
got a swelling disease and the muscles of the back of his feet and calves lost
their elasticity, and the muscles could not recover for a long time. Seeing
this, Premier Zhou urged again and again, " Chairman, have a bite of meat,
for the sake of the whole party and the whole nation!" The Chairman shook
his head and said, "Aren't you also not eating? Let's all eat and tide
over the difficult times together." Led by the Chairman, the whole nation
scrimped and scrimped and struggled hard to tide over the difficulties.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: #444444; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The Chairman liked to smoke, which
was the only "luxury" in his daily life, but he never used a lighter,
he always used matches. The Chairman's habit of rubbing matches was also
different. While most people use matches by rubbing the phosphorous on both
sides of the match, the Chairman intentionally rubbed from both ends of the
phosphorous, so that after a box of matches is rubbed, the middle part of the
phosphorous may still be as good as new. At this point, the President asked his
staff to buy loose matchsticks from the Beijing Match Factory and refill them
for further use. An empty matchbox was often used many times in his hands until
it was completely unusable before it was thrown away.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: #444444; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao once said, "If the
conditions aren’t right, don’t worry about it; this is easy to do. It is difficult
to do when conditions are right, and we Communists are the ones who have to do
the difficult things!" This is what Chairman Mao said, and, even more so,
this is what he did.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><span style="background: white; color: #444444;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN" style="background: white; color: #444444;">【</span><span style="background: white; color: #444444;">from the red culture network website (<a href="http://www.hswh.org.xn--cn%29-ww3d/">www.hswh.org.cn)<span lang="ZH-CN">】</span></a></span><span style="background: white; color: #444444;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><span style="background: white; color: #444444;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 22.2pt;"><span style="background: white; color: #444444;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Being%20Chairman%20doesn't%20mean%20being%20special%20ENG.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">Beijing (“northern capital”) was
known as Beiping (“northern peace”) during the Guomindang era.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Being%20Chairman%20doesn't%20mean%20being%20special%20ENG.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Zhang
Lan (1872- 1955), a scholar in the late Qing Dynasty, and a great patriot of
China. An activist, a well-known democratic revolutionist, educator, one of the
country’s highly respected leaders, the founder and leader of the China
Democratic League, and a close friend of the Communist Party of China. In
September 1949, he attended the Chinese People's Political Consultative
Conference and was elected as the Vice Chairman of the Central People's
Government. In 1954, he was elected as the Vice Chairman of the Standing
Committee of the National People's Congress and the Vice Chairman of the
National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference.
On February 9, 1955, he died in Beijing at the age of 83.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/2022/Being%20Chairman%20doesn't%20mean%20being%20special%20ENG.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">During 1959-1961, there was famine
in some parts of China.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
</div></div><p><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-60877852687246620432022-01-03T23:23:00.010-08:002022-01-03T23:36:41.364-08:00From the central archives: three pieces of iron-clad evidence of Chairman Mao's innocence!<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh07hleJRazrz2mOroBZcZv4oMJKo4SIZOAMrJOit2RNNC6beCAGLIH7lEyh7zeCahsccKQkrUTyoDdzqPq1kbojByPdfjFfYVLBoxO6bTIrk0e_ayUS2d4k9CewjW5N-ip2Bi-/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="556" data-original-width="834" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh07hleJRazrz2mOroBZcZv4oMJKo4SIZOAMrJOit2RNNC6beCAGLIH7lEyh7zeCahsccKQkrUTyoDdzqPq1kbojByPdfjFfYVLBoxO6bTIrk0e_ayUS2d4k9CewjW5N-ip2Bi-/w640-h426/image.png" width="640" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">Originally posted on <span face=""Microsoft YaHei", sans-serif" style="color: #333333; font-size: 10.5pt; text-align: left;">2020-12-13 and since reposted on various websites</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span face=""Microsoft YaHei", sans-serif" style="color: #333333; font-size: 10.5pt; text-align: left;"><br /></span></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In the minds of many people, Mao
was thought to be engaged in a great cult of the individual, creating personal
superstition. Many in the media followed suit, and this gradually became the
"truth", as if Mao had created it to safeguard his own image and guarantee
his power. And today, these three historical documents prove once and for all
how Mao was against the cult of the individual.<o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgcqpCf2ePIb5pZK60K5vTCs5qfJvADQagvlIYZDw_crBujixQyVvEhisgM3jgfxnhdiXr9y3w7jiDeAfv9uzLKA3vQlJ_U2TUisKfH0WoQ9iqdM_oANc0hvoVZbSNURxYGqpJc/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="964" data-original-width="704" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgcqpCf2ePIb5pZK60K5vTCs5qfJvADQagvlIYZDw_crBujixQyVvEhisgM3jgfxnhdiXr9y3w7jiDeAfv9uzLKA3vQlJ_U2TUisKfH0WoQ9iqdM_oANc0hvoVZbSNURxYGqpJc/w292-h400/image.png" width="292" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"></td></tr></tbody></table><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 24pt; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(Above: The picture reads: Comrade Tao Zhu read and return to Comrade Zhang Pinghua.)</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This document has been read and is available. On the
fifth page, replace the words "the highest instructions" with
"guiding directions". In the future, please be careful not to use the
language of "the highest and most vivid ......", "the
peak", "the highest instructions". <o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="EN-US"> I</span>n 25 July 1966, Chairman
Mao gave his approval to a press release sent for review by the Central
Propaganda Department. By this time, the "Great Revolution" was spreading
rapidly throughout the country, and the personal worship of Chairman Mao began
to be highlighted on many occasions and in many documents. Thus, faced with
such a press release, Chairman Mao changed the words "supreme
instructions" in the text to "guiding directions" in his own
handwriting, and took the opportunity to comment on the previous appearance of
"supreme and most vivid... ...", "the peak", "highest
instruction" and other terms specifically pointed out that they should be
prohibited, which can be said to be meaningful.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> Chairman Mao, who was an
erudite and knowledgeable man, had a profound understanding and appreciation of
the rise and fall of dynasties and regime changes in history. As early as the
Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee held in 1949, Chairman
Mao pointed out specifically that the seizure of national victory was only the
first step in a long march of ten thousand miles. China's revolution was great,
but the journey after the revolution was much longer and the work was even
greater and more arduous. He warned the comrades to prevent the cult of the
individual, to be modest, cautious, not arrogant, not impatient, to continue to
maintain the style of hard work, and proposed to prohibit the celebration of
the birthday of the Party leaders and the use of the names of leaders as place
names.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTIRJfXhUn38nmCvSBI1sQwzKZNbd1K8uao1i9U0k5XAtZv5JiVDzSuL90zCINXno8AVJEn3YIBjy3PUkHzqr4djfY_DY4LxJAgNrl5gxWe5v_RHw85cBL90KCUILskEkYjSjj/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><img alt="" data-original-height="999" data-original-width="704" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTIRJfXhUn38nmCvSBI1sQwzKZNbd1K8uao1i9U0k5XAtZv5JiVDzSuL90zCINXno8AVJEn3YIBjy3PUkHzqr4djfY_DY4LxJAgNrl5gxWe5v_RHw85cBL90KCUILskEkYjSjj/w282-h400/image.png" width="282" /></span></a></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Above: "Cast bronze statues are a bad influence and
therefore should not be cast. This is OK. There is only irony."<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p> </o:p><span style="text-align: left;">What happened was this: on May 11, 1950, the
eve of Chairman Mao Zedong's planning to convene the Third Plenary Session of
the Seventh Party Central Committee, Secretary Tian Jiaying entered the Juxiang
Study Hall with an official document in both hands and put it on the writing
desk, saying that the Shenyang Municipal Government had reported a document.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p> </o:p>The text reads: "In order to commemorate
the great significance of the founding of the People's Republic of China, the
Congress of people's representatives from all walks of life resolved to build a
founding memorial tower in the central area of the city, on which there would
be cast a bronze statue of Chairman Mao. As we have no full-length photo of the
Chairman to serve as a model, we have sent you a special letter to ask your
bureau to take four eight-inch full-length pictures of the Chairman standing,
in front and behind and from the left and the right so as to facilitate its
early construction. "</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p> </o:p>Chairman Mao was stunned to hear this, put down
the pen in his hand, pondered for a moment, and asked, "Oh, what is the
big event in Shenyang city government, why must it be reported to me?"</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Tian Jiaying hastily replied, "It's like
this, a meeting of people's representatives from all walks of life in Shenyang
has decided: to commemorate the founding of the People's Republic of China, a
memorial tower will be built in the city centre."<o:p></o:p></span></p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao took one look at Tian Jiaying and
said, "They can decide on such matters themselves! It’s no big deal. They
can report it to Comrade Gao Gang, Secretary of the Northeast Bureau, and it
will be settled."<span lang="EN-US"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="EN-US"> </span>Tian Jiaying said, "
Chairman, you don't know yet, but they are going to cast a bronze statue of
you, the Chairman, on this memorial tower."</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"What?" Chairman Mao was
shocked to hear this, "They're going to cast a bronze statue of me on the
memorial tower?"<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"Yes! They proposed on the
report: ask the photographer to take four eight-inch standing portraits of the
Chairman on his behalf and send them." Tian Jiaying replied.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao said, somewhat
angrily, "Not even one!" <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">With that, Chairman Mao opened the
official report, and while reading it, he made the following comments with his
brush.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Next to "Building the
Founding Memorial Pagoda", he wrote: "This is possible"; next to
"Casting the statue of Chairman Mao", he wrote: "It is only
ironic "; at the top of the report, he wrote with a broad stroke of his
pen: "Casting bronze statues has a bad influence, so they should not be
cast."</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">After reading and approving the
report from Shenyang, Chairman Mao pushed the report and said solemnly,
"Return the original!"</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"Yes!" Tian Jiaying took
up the report with both hands.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao then said, "Tell
the relevant departments that this is a violation of the spirit of the Second
Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee, and that in future, anyone
who does such things again should be reported and criticised!"<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqxYnmOE4141ZT0xTP6Jqt0xieGCVHNdHZY8sGY2ba0bvZEsXSV7EfakNVotjRgoxJBq_DVcoMDX0o_YtkNjevAwAAMOBOfDvxf3N5v8uzEdCntVybe7mazh2FJoR-C0MPIFb3/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="920" data-original-width="704" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqxYnmOE4141ZT0xTP6Jqt0xieGCVHNdHZY8sGY2ba0bvZEsXSV7EfakNVotjRgoxJBq_DVcoMDX0o_YtkNjevAwAAMOBOfDvxf3N5v8uzEdCntVybe7mazh2FJoR-C0MPIFb3/w307-h400/image.png" width="307" /></a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">On 20 September 1950, when Chairman
Mao heard that Hunan Province was going to build a road and houses in Shaoshan,
he wrote a telegram in his own handwriting to Deng Zihui, then Secretary of the
Central and South Bureau, Huang Kecheng, Secretary of the Hunan Provincial
Party Committee, and Wang Shoudao, Chairman of the Provincial Government, in
which he wrote: "It is said that the Changsha District Party Committee and
the Xiangtan County Party Committee are now building a house for me in my
hometown and a road to my hometown. If this is true, please ask them to stop
immediately and not to build anything, so as not to cause bad influence among
the people. This is the most important thing.<o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The words "stop
immediately", "not at all" and "this is the most important
thing" show how much importance Chairman Mao attached to such matters and
how strict he was with himself.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhzKS3_Uf2tsIAP89E7S8T54Aw08e09fm4T8uphGaoK8fqpo-dG054fxFvWM8NZY8I9fWKePw_j8zipUg2g3aWXJFAvv85tJR0T_sWqulB-Qhjs1JqkDrOd0BoeTTJvedXOXOfx/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="828" data-original-width="618" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhzKS3_Uf2tsIAP89E7S8T54Aw08e09fm4T8uphGaoK8fqpo-dG054fxFvWM8NZY8I9fWKePw_j8zipUg2g3aWXJFAvv85tJR0T_sWqulB-Qhjs1JqkDrOd0BoeTTJvedXOXOfx/w298-h400/image.png" width="298" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This is Chairman Mao! This is how
Chairman Mao "gives up" the cult of personality! Those who are
jealous of Chairman Mao's authority also want to engage in a personality cult, but
the people will ignore him!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The people will only love their
own leader, the leader of the people. Although the old man rejected the cult of
his personality, people still admired him sincerely! This is the worship of the
people! And now more and more people worship Chairman Mao!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="text-indent: 22.2pt;">Why does Chairman Mao fever endure
and be renewed, and why do more and more people miss and wor</span><span style="text-indent: 22.2pt;">ship Chairman Mao
and hope that all the fine traditions o</span><span style="text-indent: 22.2pt;">f the Mao era will return? It is
Chairman Mao who has set the example for the Communist Party, it is Chairman
Mao who has set the example for humanity! Learn from Chairman Mao, and society
will be at peace and in harmony! As Qian Xuesen (1) said: Deny Chairman Mao and
public ownership and China will be finished!</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">There are still people who smear and
deny Chairman Mao, both explicitly and implicitly, and these people are bound
to take the stand of traitors to the country and will certainly go to the
opposite side of the people!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(1) </span><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2021/11/qian-changming-why-mao-zedong-thought.html" style="text-align: center;">servethepeople: Qian Changming: Why Mao Zedong Thought must not be lost! Listen to the voice of Qian Xuesen, the people's scientist. (mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com)</a></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: left;"><o:p><br /></o:p></p></div><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span face=""Microsoft YaHei", sans-serif" style="color: #333333; font-size: 10.5pt; text-align: left;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span face=""Microsoft YaHei", sans-serif" style="color: #333333; font-size: 10.5pt; text-align: left;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span face=""Microsoft YaHei", sans-serif" style="color: #333333; font-size: 10.5pt; text-align: left;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span face=""Microsoft YaHei", sans-serif" style="color: #333333; font-size: 10.5pt; text-align: left;"><br /></span></div><br /><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-42219969026767391842022-01-01T23:23:00.003-08:002022-01-01T23:23:40.901-08:00Lao Tian: How to learn to talk to young people - the strategic and tactical differences between the two ideological battlefields<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEj77xGs0PLVVUp1_1yHm_3S1tesnnkgYu-Bveq_c5Eui_rIDmHfZjl05DqKiNzT90x2_GRws47bQBXk4CR9LFyRH_UcoUa9LfL6omREQ0ln86sZA7HHtAyYw8NHGUMh7pPF25fcCArsXpi1zrlT7QEmMjAL5juUxm4PnYXwlvh-AJQKWPnbSQ=s550" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="359" data-original-width="550" height="418" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEj77xGs0PLVVUp1_1yHm_3S1tesnnkgYu-Bveq_c5Eui_rIDmHfZjl05DqKiNzT90x2_GRws47bQBXk4CR9LFyRH_UcoUa9LfL6omREQ0ln86sZA7HHtAyYw8NHGUMh7pPF25fcCArsXpi1zrlT7QEmMjAL5juUxm4PnYXwlvh-AJQKWPnbSQ=w640-h418" width="640" /></a></div><p class="MsoNormal"><i>(Translator’s preface: Lao Tian offers advice to
contemporary Chinese leftists on how to apply the mass line to doing political
work with young people and workers. There are lessons here for revolutionaries
outside China.) <o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">2021-12-25 11:12:17 Source: red-song-society.com By Lao Tian<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">A few days ago, in the middle of a certain microgroup, a
university political science teacher who had not fully realized his
consciousness (I should say he had already realized most of it on his own, but
of course he was still missing the last part) was disliked by his groupmates.
Mr. Liu was the first to feel disgusted and withdrew from the group; Ms. Bai
was also disgusted and called me to complain and express her discontent; a Mr.
Yu engaged in a heated "barbarian debate" with him; Ms. Wen reacted
most positively and, dissatisfied, wrote a WG reminiscence of her own
experience and posted it in the group. This phenomenon is representative of the
fact that some left-wing comrades lack the psychological readiness and patience
for dialogue with young people who are not yet fully enlightened.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The problem has been around for a long time, but it is now a
serious one. At a time when young people are turning to enlightenment in large
numbers, some pioneers are too attached to the theoretical styles and narrative
methods of the past, failing to keep up with young people's modes of
understanding and actually encountering them before they are ready to engage in
a smooth dialogue with them. As Chinese society has fallen into decay, the
majority of people have in fact lost the way out of reality and urgently need
to hear new ideas and find a new way out; however, the left-wing group, as the
first to awaken, has still not been able to walk out of the small circle for a
long time, and has not been able to influence people outside the circle and
young people in a way that is commensurate with the seriousness of the problems
of the times.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I. Home speech is different from away speech: to learn to
speak to young people<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To investigate and research, to gather new materials, to
learn new knowledge, to learn to speak to young people on your own initiative
with your own diligent study; not to wait for young people to learn to speak to
you on their own with the same old arguments, which is tantamount to giving up
the active effort to influence young people, and especially to giving up the
effective effort. For a young person to learn to dialogue with you is
tantamount to him coming to his own senses and turning left.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In those days, Chairman Mao spoke to the Party cadres and
the revolutionary masses, so he spoke on his "home turf"; now, when we
are speaking to young people, we speak on the road, learning to speak
effectively to the masters of the times, using the language they are used to
and a system of concepts they understand.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Subconsciously, some older comrades are actually reluctant
to admit that they have "lost the opportunity to speak on the main
stage" and are a bit emotionally uncomfortable - unwilling to speak
according to other people's routines and ways, which, at the same time, of
course, means a long and arduous "re-learning" process, which
involves a considerable amount of time and effort, as well as the
"involuntary" abandonment of one's past cherished learning. In other
words, it is not easy to make this transition.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Secondly, away speeches should focus on the different
levels of the "core ideological battlefield" and "effective
communication with workers".<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">2The former is an external battle, in which we have to argue
with the ideology of the ruling class and fight for ideological leadership and
interpretation in order to influence young people; the latter has to focus on
the plight of the workers themselves, and the rational understanding has to be
able to communicate and activate their concrete experiences in order to achieve
the goal of smooth dialogue and increased awareness. The common aspect of both
is that we ourselves have to study hard, take responsibility for our own
tuition and learn to communicate smoothly with the people we are speaking to,
rather than sit back and wait for others to learn to communicate with us.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In other words, in the theoretical speeches of the
competition for young people, the potential object of dialogue is the
ideological apologists of the ruling class - speaking on their home turf, which
requires speaking at the level of the opponent's conceptual system and
methodology in order to be able to achieve combat results. In the dialogue with
the workers, on the other hand, it is necessary to make a concrete analysis
from the workers' own experience and perceptual material, and to refrain from
drawing conclusions from books and then simply generalising them.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Therefore, there are two changes in the away speech: one is
the core ideological battlefield, such as university forums and mainstream
academic circles. This is the operation of the "ideological state
apparatus" that nurtures young people and uses continuous preaching to
deceive young people. field. On the battlefield at this level, there has been a
"social science transformation" after the 1980s. The original method
of speech—the method of analysing micro-facts with macro-concepts and then
explaining it—is no longer convincing to young people. The second was the need
to move up from the facts to a dialogue on intermediate concepts such as
management, economics, politics and sociology, rather than the old
macro-methodological language.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Moreover, many comrades, unwilling to face up to the new
changes and new problems of the capitalist system, and not paying attention to
new empirical materials and the concrete experiences of workers, use their very
poor general knowledge of Marxism-Leninism as secondary school students,
together with their imaginary additions and problem diagnoses, and then try to
force them on others, and if they do not accept them, they resort to all kinds
of moral abductions and personal attacks. This is an extremely bad style of
learning and sectarian party style, similar to Wang Ming's dogmatic sectarian
approach.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This is how we see the frequent war of words in micro-groups
with a large number of old comrades: using big concepts to analyse small
problems, with a certain degree of imagination to complete the global
diagnosis, and then forcing others to accept it, which leads to endless wars of
words. This is not to say that one can speak only if one is academically well
educated, but rather that it is important to revert to specific analysis of
specific problems, and that most people are still concerned about specific
things, and not always to override people with the face of a theorist and
recommend global diagnoses and remedies at every turn, which is hardly feasible
even among comrades.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The second level is that, even when speaking about theory,
there is a need to dialogue with the concrete experiences and experiences of
workers, with the aim, of course, of activating this part of the perceptual
material and experience and raising the consciousness of workers. Therefore,
theoretical understanding needs to be told in such a way that it can be
connected to the existing empirical material and perceptual understanding,
otherwise the various conclusions drawn from the macro-analysis of exploitation
and class alone will be "separated" from the concrete experience, and
it will be difficult to speak smoothly to the masses. Therefore, it is
necessary to start from the concrete experiences and experiences of the workers
and then to achieve a good dialogue with them. Only a rational understanding
that is able to connect with workers' perceptual materials and concrete experiences
is a qualified rational understanding possible.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Some comrades are always emphasising the need to "speak
like Chairman Mao and be popular", which on the one hand obliterates the
difference between the two battlefields, and on the other hand ignores the common
sense of "speaking to the target". This is a lazy man's idea:
firstly, he refuses to enter the main ideological battlefield of others and
re-learn how to speak in order to compete with young people; secondly, he
sticks to the same old methodological language and way of looking at things,
which does not dovetail with the sensual materials of the workers, and in fact
does not touch the itch of the workers and is less convincing to them.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The first battlefield requires updating one's knowledge and
learning to summarise and refine experience at the social science level in
order to educate young people, rather than sitting back and waiting for them to
turn left and then learn to talk to you. Secondly, we need to increase our
research, collect new materials and new problems, and to deeply grasp and
understand the plight, problems and worries of the new generation of workers,
and then, learn to help them become enlightened on the basis of their
experience by using theoretical and analytical methods to rise from perceptual
to rational understanding, so as to come to their senses. In this regard, it is
important to stop the bad learning style of drawing conclusions through the
same old methods and trying to sell them to others regardless of the facts.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">3. Empirical analysis of relations of production and
political hang-ups remain central<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The old comrades' experience and clear awareness of the
sharp contrast between the old and new times is a great advantage, and
sometimes telling a good story is far better than the communication effect of a
hundred essays.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">At the same time, the old experience certainly needs to be
de-coupled and enhanced with the theories of Marx, Lenin and Mao. In this
respect, the Marxist critique of political economy - the analysis of the
relations of production - remains important as a theorisation of the working
experience and situation of workers, but it is necessary to find new key facts
to present in the light of the evolution of the times and to grasp the
representativeness and typicality behind the story; another major aspect is the
Chairman Mao's emphasis on the 'political leadership of the working masses'
(the 'two Leninist aspects' of both consciousness and organisation, formerly
known as the 'dictatorship of the proletariat') is a key aspect of the
political efforts of the people, which of course also needs to be refined.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The two aspects are, in fact, interlinked. The American
Marxist sociologist Mike Burawoy, who conducted fieldwork in factories in many
countries, pointed out that within the relations of production there were not
just economic relations, but that there was an internal state and an internal
ideology at work at the same time, in other words, the superstructure was not
external to the economic base, but worked directly within it; Burawoy later
developed the concept of the "polity of production" on this basis.
"The concept of the 'production polity' was later developed by Brouwer, in
terms of the 'policies and laws of the state', the 'competitive state of the
market', the 'reproduction of labour' and the 'regulatory process'. "This
is an effective way of communicating the workers' experience of the relations
of production and their perceptual material.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In other words, even for storytelling to be effective, it is
necessary to learn new theoretical advances and how to analyse the connotations
of the relations of production in the new era, which can be matched with the
concrete experience of workers. It is not enough to rely on the general
knowledge of Marxist economics previously learned together with some parts of
one's own imagination and play, but it is also still necessary to learn new
knowledge in order to better understand and tell about the new changes.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">An empirical analysis of the relations of production and the
political leadership of the working masses, based on new academic advances, is
a very important approach, a key aspect of the junction between the turning
over of the working masses and their emancipation and, of course, the key to
telling the story of history and educating young people. This aspect is first
of all about learning new theories yourself and not being able to be satisfied
with the common knowledge and conceptual systems of the past. Moreover, it is
better to stop using macro-concepts at the level of methodology and learn to
descend to the intermediate level of the social sciences to tell the story,
and, of course, more importantly, to "read books without words" and
"learn by doing", as Chairman Mao said, to gradually progress and
improve through practice.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">4. The most common type of "pure leftism" and
"taking things for granted"<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">During the Yan'an rectification period, Chairman Mao said
that the "only correct understanding" that Wang Ming's sect derived
from books and pushed so hard was worse than dog shit, which could also
fertilize the fields. The bias of the Wang Ming sect is that it misunderstands
Marxist-Leninist theory as a static "cultural capital" that
presupposes a process of mass mobilisation. In this way, the process of
mobilising and educating the masses is not about helping them to raise their
own awareness and draw their own conclusions, but about directly promoting the
cultural capital of the "only correct understanding" that they have
acquired.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In other words, the crux of the debate between the Maoists
and the Wang Ming sect is: does the process of enlightening the masses help the
masses to become enlightened themselves, or is it simply a matter of instilling
the masses with a correct conclusion? In this way, is Marxism-Leninism an <i>a
priori</i> truth based on a series of correct conclusions, or is it merely a
tool of awareness to help the masses achieve the process of enlightenment?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The other day I listened to a webinar organised by some of
the leading translators and researchers of Althusser's work in China, who,
based on their reading of the newly published late works of Althusser, offered
a new understanding of "Althusser in the seventies": Althusser
himself did not recognise such a thing as "Marxist-Leninist
philosophy" but only "to be a Marxist in the midst of
philosophy" and to fight as a true communist. This recognition by
Althusser was unbelievable and inconceivable to those who saw
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a new kind of "cultural capital" or who
were ready to show off the "truth in their hands". But for true
communists, this is the way it should be, as Chairman Mao clearly pointed out
in his "Talk on Questions of Philosophy" on 18 August 1964: "<span style="background: white; color: black;"> The three basic constituents of Marxism
are scientific socialism, philosophy, and political economy.</span><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"> The foundation is social science, class struggle. There is a
struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Marx and the others saw
this. Utopian socialists are always trying to persuade the bourgeoisie to be
charitable. This won’t work, it is necessary to rely on the class struggle of
the proletariat. </span>...<span style="background: white; color: black;">Those who engage in philosophy believe that philosophy comes first. The
oppressors oppress the oppressed, while the oppressed need to fight back and
seek a way out before they start looking for philosophy. It is only when people
took this as their starting-point that there was Marxism-Leninism, and that
they discovered philosophy. We have all been through this. Others wanted to
kill me; Chiang Kai-shek wanted to kill me. Thus, we came to engage in class
struggle, to engage in philosophizing.</span>"<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is first and foremost a method for
helping workers to become aware and organise themselves for the revolution, not
a "knowledge" to be flaunted, but its truth is only in its
combativeness (exposing the ideological deceptions of the ruling class and thus
becoming aware) and its critique (organising to criticise the old world in
order to create a new society). Here, it is a false assumption that once the
left has reached the right conclusions, it is enough to promote them and have
them accepted by the masses; on the contrary, the truth and practicality of
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist theory lies only in its ability to help the masses to
become enlightened, not in the fact that a few people become enlightened and
then sell the conclusions to bring others to enlightenment.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">According to this erroneous understanding, workers are not
to become enlightened themselves, but to be passively enlightened by a few
prophets and then receive the fruits of enlightenment on their behalf. During
the Yan'an Rectification Movement, Chairman Mao said that learning Marx and
Lenin could only be done from the perspective of "positions, views and
methods", not by rote. When studying Marxism-Leninism-Mao, for example,
whether the view they see is a "peak" or a "ridge", they
need to ask three questions: from which perspective are they looking? From
which perspective did they see it (proletarian or otherwise?) What did they
see? How do they see it? It is only after asking these questions that the main
points are learnt.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In other words, the value of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism lies
first and foremost in helping the masses to become more aware and organise
themselves in struggle, not in whether the conclusions and the process of
derivation are uniquely truthful. As Chen Zhengren, an old comrade from the
Jinggangshan period, later recalled, revolution and mobilising the masses is
not about telling the masses that this is right and that is wrong; the key aim
is to realise: do the masses want to organise themselves in revolt? Do they
want to pick up their guns and revolt? If the answer to both questions is yes,
then the construction of the base areas will be ready, and Chairman Mao's
saying that "if there are no people, we will have people; if there are no
guns, we will have guns” will be easily realised.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">So there is no "only correct understanding" that
is divorced from the process of mass consciousness and organisation, and there
is no such thing as a "pure leftist" or a 100% Bolshevik. There is
only one reality: the revolutionaries who have achieved close integration with
the workers and peasants and have progressed and advanced with them.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">December 19, 2021<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 21.0pt; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="http://www.szhgh.com/Article/opinion/xuezhe/2021-12-25/288250.html"><span lang="ZH-CN">老田:新形势下,左翼如何与年轻人对话?</span>
- <span lang="ZH-CN">学者观点</span> - <span lang="ZH-CN">红歌会网</span>
(szhgh.com)</a></span><span style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-46501540102672157432021-12-26T03:46:00.019-08:002021-12-26T16:10:19.686-08:00Zhang Zhikun: Saying a few things to Commemorate Mao Zedong's 128th birth anniversary<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgVDelY1JpDmYwLCglOg7TDSlcjb0nOwWVye0cqg5dbPqby4SQ2NhBkGPFsGqIXNUGW89NQiZfrMcAsY8zVZcEBRYMrbB9tWBmEKLevLinjsJ5ojpIK5Tz802i6KtFTSNncH9kP/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="65" data-original-width="640" height="66" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgVDelY1JpDmYwLCglOg7TDSlcjb0nOwWVye0cqg5dbPqby4SQ2NhBkGPFsGqIXNUGW89NQiZfrMcAsY8zVZcEBRYMrbB9tWBmEKLevLinjsJ5ojpIK5Tz802i6KtFTSNncH9kP/w640-h66/image.png" width="640" /></a></div><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;">(From Mao's Reply to Guo Moruo, 1963: <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: justify;">So many deeds cry out to be done, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: justify;">And always urgently; </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: justify;">The world rolls on, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: justify;">Time presses. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: justify;">Ten thousand years are too long, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: justify;">Seize the day, seize the hour!)</span></i><p></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;"></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #999999; line-height: 14.124px; padding: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">2021-12-25 22:48:58author: Zhang Zhikun source: red song club network</span></span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #999999; line-height: 14.124px; padding: 0in;"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(Translator's preface: Today, December 26, 2021 is the 128th anniversary of the birth of Comrade Mao Zedong. There are dozens of articles like this one on the Chinese internet today, all praising Mao Zedong's revolutionary legacy and deploring the state of Chinese society today. There are photos of commemorative activities being held throughout China - a Mao Zedong "fever" for sure!)</span></i></span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; line-height: 14.124px; padding: 0in;"></span></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"></span></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Mao Zedong fever<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/Mao%20128%20ENG.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="color: #2288bb; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; line-height: 17.12px;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a><span> </span>continues to rise in China, and there is a sea of articles commemorating him, in stark contrast to previous years. When I think about a decade ago, there were only a few articles like this, which made me feel the vicissitudes of time. Now it is completely different, as heroes and heroines from all walks of life have reunited under the banner of Mao Zedong, explaining Mao Zedong's thought and spirit, as well as its significance for contemporary China, and digging deeper into its future influence, reaching an unprecedented theoretical height and depth of thought that was previously unattainable. Since this is the case, I can only express some things on the memory of the great man Chairman Mao Zedong, as I did back then.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjj7cKXkpaf6dJZmJ6lInR9hizNJvynhZYuxCuPVMd33ildLHlsQnA-M4vmyfbpoV1Adb14jzUZeQ439pubzsbcFxo_Sa0kTowx0S4yXhfiLOJ0Wl6USKzOjmhO4_QYu7zWVVTm/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="274" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjj7cKXkpaf6dJZmJ6lInR9hizNJvynhZYuxCuPVMd33ildLHlsQnA-M4vmyfbpoV1Adb14jzUZeQ439pubzsbcFxo_Sa0kTowx0S4yXhfiLOJ0Wl6USKzOjmhO4_QYu7zWVVTm/w273-h400/image.png" width="273" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(1) Where did China's military power rank in the world during the Mao era?<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In the current world, rankings are prevalent, and the military is no exception. It is said that in today's global military ranking, China is ranked second, the second military power after the United States. Of course, there is also a theory that it is in third place, behind the United States and Russia. But regardless of the second or third place, it is said to be a very impressive and significant achievement.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This leads one to wonder where China ranked militarily in Mao's time. Which is greater, lower or more important, the military achievements of China at that time or the military achievements of China today?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">There are generally two dimensions that people recognise when measuring military achievements: one is the level of armed force building, and the other is the actual battle results and outcomes. The relationship between these two is that one takes into account the state of peace and the other focuses on the fundamental functions; one is a superficial phenomenon and the other is a deep and practical one, and they corroborate and support each other.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Using this yardstick to measure the military achievements of the world's major powers, one can find that the military achievements of the United States were brilliant after the Cold War, as the hegemony achieved a series of military victories during this period, while the Soviet Union, which had its share of victories and defeats during the Cold War and lost more than it won, entered the Russian period and experienced a turnaround from defeat to victory, a turnaround that was completed by Vladimir Putin. This is the basic point of departure and final destination for people evaluating US-Russian (Soviet) military power.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">China is a different story. In Mao's time China was vastly inferior to the US and the Soviet Union in terms of weaponry, and although it was catching up fast, it was not modernised to the same extent as they were. Even so, no one would have dared to underestimate China's military achievements at the time, as it had achieved a series of impressive results in its campaigns against the United States, India and the border conflict with the Soviet Union, and because of this, China was recognised as the third largest military power in the world by the strategic reviews of the time.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Obviously, at that time, China had neither become "rich" nor "strong", but had only just "stood up". Some people describe this newly risen China as poor, chaotic, collapsed and a failure. But it is impressive that such a China has not only been ranked third in military power, but has also achieved a series of real military victories and become a globally recognised military power. If one follows the very fashionable GDP logic of today, it is difficult to justify in any way. To solve this conundrum, some simply overturn it and say that it is now time to say goodbye to war. Of course, this claim may be a demand for China to say goodbye to war and not for the US, because in reality, on the contrary, the hegemon is preparing to wage new and larger wars, including against China.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiw5uBgTlZCmnDId9W5rRfxIqT3LMWwx0IjJaw0jFxWimyKmVWobD9V8-7jlBZeobSOwnd1JQVNCihH0WsBIsAu7MLSWVOdDyDDb6PTjk8DLuDhksOd4T-zqsBjdPk2oyv21IPx/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="400" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiw5uBgTlZCmnDId9W5rRfxIqT3LMWwx0IjJaw0jFxWimyKmVWobD9V8-7jlBZeobSOwnd1JQVNCihH0WsBIsAu7MLSWVOdDyDDb6PTjk8DLuDhksOd4T-zqsBjdPk2oyv21IPx/w400-h400/image.png" width="400" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(2) Who could have designed the establishment of the Republic better than Mao Zedong<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It is a well-known fact that Mao Zedong was the principal founder of the People's Republic of China, and it is also an accepted fact that today China's basic institutions, including the state and political systems, are still the same framework as they were then.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This being the case, we have to ask two questions.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">One, is the basic system of the People's Republic as a country good?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Secondly, who else could have come up with a more brilliant political design than this?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To answer the first question, we say that the system of the People's Republic is a great political masterpiece, a design that has taken Chinese history to new heights, a system that fully embodies the superiority of socialism, the excellence of Chinese history and culture, the excellence of the Chinese nation, and is a model of combining the universal truths of Marxism with Chinese reality. This system is the prerequisite and basis for China's development and progress, and it is still alive and vibrant today, as evidenced by the rapid development to build a moderately prosperous society, as well as the achievements and spirit of the great anti-epidemic, and the so-called reform and opening up, all of which were essentially made possible on the basis of this basic system, as General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out in his speech at the conference to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, that the founding of China "created the fundamental social conditions for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. It has brought about the most extensive and profound social transformation in the history of the Chinese nation" and "laid the fundamental political premise and institutional foundation for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation". This is a brand new form of human civilisation.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiU0SxaKGirm0cWJiwEgE9KnSWvG0kuCKCoNUWBtNYad5PrCI9VW7Gq083AyJxTKnFsGRAQiAwYAQOVpHPjbbEwdbnGSTC9Vl9USiwqOtZmYoE1ZPk6xnxei2jsXKlkPW5XDctB/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="228" data-original-width="400" height="364" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiU0SxaKGirm0cWJiwEgE9KnSWvG0kuCKCoNUWBtNYad5PrCI9VW7Gq083AyJxTKnFsGRAQiAwYAQOVpHPjbbEwdbnGSTC9Vl9USiwqOtZmYoE1ZPk6xnxei2jsXKlkPW5XDctB/w640-h364/image.png" width="640" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;">To answer the second question, no one was wiser or more brilliant than Chairman Mao Zedong. Because he had very rich political experience, he had seen the various attempts at social systems and their failures after the fall of the Chinese dynasties, as well as the various cases under the systems of capitalist countries, and even more so the huge failure in the institutional design of the Republic of China before him, and therefore the difficult exploration of what kind of China the future should be began from the time of the Jiangxi base area, and after the victory in the War of Resistance had begun to be a quite concrete design, which did not take final shape until the moment of the founding of the new China. It can be said that without Mao Zedong there would have been no New China as a country and system; likewise, if it had not been for Mao Zedong, no other person would have been able to produce such a brilliant design.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEipmhwRjFygE18pd1iuuQM83ui69uvT8-yba1vwBE1P-9Tfygo1xbTtx7UUBbCQclqADzX9HGxrmiRcz4Mp4DD72g7wNfCKKygftgdbTi1Vt-oy2GxwG-0cmGtjtnxqglKGVSvt/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="243" data-original-width="400" height="243" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEipmhwRjFygE18pd1iuuQM83ui69uvT8-yba1vwBE1P-9Tfygo1xbTtx7UUBbCQclqADzX9HGxrmiRcz4Mp4DD72g7wNfCKKygftgdbTi1Vt-oy2GxwG-0cmGtjtnxqglKGVSvt/w400-h243/image.png" width="400" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><br /></span></div></span></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(3) Mao Zedong is back, can the modern version of the landed gentry still stay?<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Mao Zedong had many enemies throughout his life, one of the more prominent categories being the landed gentry, whose defeat was the most immediate goal of his revolution and struggle. After dozens of revolutions, Mao's goal was achieved and the landed gentry became extinct in mainland China. Not only did they lose the economic and social basis on which they existed, but even the remnants of their past were generally transformed into new people.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">But history is always spiralling upwards. An upward spiral means that there is a constant reincarnation on newer and higher pedestals. This is also the case with the landed gentry, who have also undergone a historical reincarnation. Nowadays in China, the modern version of the landed gentry has become quite prominent and influential as a social group.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Of course, everyone knows that this is only a social phenomenon, and that the deeper reasons for the emergence of such a landscape are the result of dramatic economic and social structural changes, the inevitable fruits of a context in which exploitation and private ownership are once again growing, the gap between the rich and the poor is once again widening and aggravating, and the antagonism between the rich and the poor is once again confronting each other. Against such a background and under such conditions, it should be said that the new version of the landed gentry should have been given their own historical feast<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/Mao%20128%20ENG.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="color: #2288bb; text-decoration-line: none;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; line-height: 17.12px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">But history has played another big joke on them. The modern version of China's landed gentry had not even enjoyed themselves for a few days before they were surprised to find that Mao Zedong had returned, and returned very quickly and universally, from top to bottom, from inside to outside, from here to there, and his political spectre was almost everywhere and in everything, and what he brought back was the original heart of the Communist Party, collectivism, the socialist communalism, and common prosperity. This is troublesome, because the impact and shock will be so widespread and profound that the new-age tycoons will first be dumbfounded, and then terrified and distraught in the face of this.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Needless to say, the return of Mao's history will certainly provoke deep and widespread panic and fear, and the question of where China's modern version of the landed gentry will find itself in the future will once again become a major issue.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><div><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgYljIH0A6aqkh1eI21AH8XlHYnA0IboI-HezEDkXhySy-tac8sYdH8Y-WqSj21sWYTOG7Dcc4lIeTPIuFstllZA9pviBpYZ0VQiwZgvjWtIzxKfVQWdzUezbjHiWbXOj4fERL2/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="409" data-original-width="640" height="410" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgYljIH0A6aqkh1eI21AH8XlHYnA0IboI-HezEDkXhySy-tac8sYdH8Y-WqSj21sWYTOG7Dcc4lIeTPIuFstllZA9pviBpYZ0VQiwZgvjWtIzxKfVQWdzUezbjHiWbXOj4fERL2/w640-h410/image.png" width="640" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(4) On Mao's "mistakes"<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">For a long time, in modern Chinese politics and public opinion, there have been people who have been working on the proposition of Mao's "merits" and "faults", in essence, holding on to the mistakes of Chairman Mao Zedong and thus denying his historical status and political image.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Of course, Mao Zedong had made mistakes, and even he himself said that it was impossible for people not to make mistakes, but only for those who did so to make them less often and correct them better. Nowadays, when we look back and re-examine the proposition of Mao's "merits" and "faults" on a new historical basis, the insights can be renewed in a different way.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">One is whether Mao Zedong's merits and demerits can be divided into several parts.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Some people think that Mao Zedong's merits and demerits should be divided into three or seven<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/Mao%20128%20ENG.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="color: #2288bb; text-decoration-line: none;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; line-height: 17.12px;">[3]</span></span></span></a>, others think it should be divided into two or eight, and others think it should be divided into four or six, and there was once a very heated debate. The author's experience is that, as the founder of the country, can Mao's performance and mistakes be compared in size, high or low, and measured in importance? The performance he created can be replaced by no one, and his mistakes can be changed completely, can these two be equal? I think that the division of Mao Zedong's merits and demerits can be put to rest, and this should be the conclusion of history.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Secondly, mistakes must also stand the test of time<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Right and wrong are never absolute; they have historically varied from one person to another, and from one historical condition to another. What is considered wrong by one group of people may seem right to another group; what seems wrong in one era may seem right in another. This is also true of Mao's mistakes, and it is particularly worth pointing out that, after being tested and washed away by the passage of time, some of the many mistakes that were once said to be Mao's are today seen simply as far-sighted and remarkable in their historical penetration.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The third is what Mao Zedong thought of and did not think of<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Mao Zedong was no exception, and there were things he did and did not think of. He had thought of and foresaw many things for the most backward China, such as modernisation, "overtaking the British and catching up with the Americans", the possible re-emergence of pro-American forces and a certain resurgence of capitalism, but he might not have imagined that corruption had been so widespread under the Communist Party, that some regimes had collapsed on a large scale, and that the people's army that he had built up had once been so widespread that it had become a "military". The triad society was so rampant that it developed to the extent that certain places and areas were completely blackened from the outside to the inside and from the bottom to the top; gambling and drugs were so widespread that they were once found in every street and alley...all these were things that this great man could not have imagined even if he had broken his head. The deterioration of the rulers is even more terrifying than the deterioration of China. This is an undeniable fact.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The fourth is what Mao could and could not do<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">A prominent grip of the accusations about Mao's mistakes is that he did not engage in reform and opening up, but was closed and conservative. In hindsight, this too is debatable. Let alone whether this was really the case, even if it was, under the social and historical conditions of China at that time, after the overthrow of the Three Great Mountains<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/Mao%20128%20ENG.docx#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="color: #2288bb; text-decoration-line: none;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; line-height: 17.12px;">[4]</span></span></span></a> and the triumph of the revolution, could the Chinese people allow Western capital to come back and set up factories in China? Could the capitalists be allowed to continue to exploit the workers? This does not make logical sense in any way.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Under the historical conditions of the time, all Mao could do was to rely on the strength of the Chinese people, to promote the spirit of self-reliance and hard work, to reduce the material wealth needs of all the people, especially those in power, to a minimum level, and to build a solid industrial and economic foundation for China for the future at this cost. The economy as understood in Mao's time was not the get-rich-quick economy of today, but an economy that made up for the country's historical debt of industrialisation, to walk the path of centuries of Western industrial development in just a few decades, and to place heavy industry in an overriding position of importance. Only after these things have been done can he go and fill his belly to put on make-up and dress up. He had to take a long-term view and be responsible to the people, to history, to the nation, not to a few people, a few categories of people, or a few groups. Mao's vow not to follow Li Zicheng's example<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/Mao%20128%20ENG.docx#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="color: #2288bb; text-decoration-line: none;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; line-height: 17.12px;">[5]</span></span></span></a> meant that some people's desire to have a good time after they had won the kingdom fell through. Otherwise, massive corruption might have had to start 30 or 40 years earlier.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjPOdY0Aa1GEX03Zyh1pwwyrmAZVfoD4W6cBGLON6YQdISWUjVT7THUjsrY2Fh2uOseXi07UUEdNl_R6JPx1gw1ICGuWZCOrWzWnVmZ4KOs1OBr6aBTSPRGdMw7X-CCAsVDTNgL/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="346" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjPOdY0Aa1GEX03Zyh1pwwyrmAZVfoD4W6cBGLON6YQdISWUjVT7THUjsrY2Fh2uOseXi07UUEdNl_R6JPx1gw1ICGuWZCOrWzWnVmZ4KOs1OBr6aBTSPRGdMw7X-CCAsVDTNgL/w347-h400/image.png" width="347" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><i style="color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;">(Above: There is a growing call for Mao's birthday to replace Christmas Eve and Christmas Day as a day of national celebration - a People's Holiday)</i><br style="color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;" /><span style="color: #222222;"><br /></span></div><p></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;"></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(5) Mao Zedong was a strategic equal to the United States<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The United States today claims to have many masters of strategy, and these people have indeed made many Chinese "experts" and "scholars" look up to them, thinking that they are models and pinnacles. The various concepts, judgments and logic developed by these American strategy scholars have become a guideline for some Chinese, and are followed with the same urgency as the orders of the Supreme Lord, lest they be neglected.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This is an embarrassing situation to put it mildly. China today is certainly below the US in terms of strategic strength, but more importantly, it is also below the US in terms of the academic and strategic level. I am not aware of any famous Chinese strategic scholars or masters who are highly regarded and respected by the US, which is almost like saying that if we compare the strategies of China and the US, China is not only inferior in power but also in skill. Such a situation would undoubtedly make China's disadvantageous and passive situation even more serious, and it is inevitable that China and the United States would not be on an equal footing in terms of strategy.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">But this was not the case with China in Mao's time. At that time, China was vastly different from the United States in terms of strategic strength, much greater than today, but it was far superior to the United States in terms of the level of strategy and tactics. Simply put, it was weak in static strength and strong in dynamic play. Because of this, China at the time was never at a disadvantage in its dealings with the United States and was strategically on par. The reason for this was Mao's high level of strategic planning at the time. In the United States at the time, Mao was recognised and revered by the strategic community as a world-class strategic master. It was for this reason that the United States at that time had a very high strategic regard for China and was very cautious about conflict with China, and later was anxious to get out of confrontation with China. Imagine how the US, which claimed to be the world's hegemon, could have taken China seriously if it had not been in awe of it from the bottom of its heart.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In dealing with the United States, Mao Zedong was the highest and toughest, compared to Khrushchev, who was no good, and Jiang Jieshi (Chiang Kai-shek), who was nothing more than an aggrieved man.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><span style="background-color: white; color: #999999;"><span style="color: black; line-height: 17.12px;">Now, more and more Chinese people can look at Mao Zedong beyond the limits of their personal grudges and times. Under such a perspective, I am afraid that Mao fever is inevitable, and whether one wants it or not, it will become a major trend, and a new climax will occur this year when the anniversary of Mao's birth is approaching</span></span><div style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;"><span style="color: #999999; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;"><span style="color: #999999; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;"><span style="color: #999999; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;"><span style="color: #999999; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhvNuy0gvXRaNR18jDy4_pU98ku-Jd7oDcC5SdFG2McEwuUWr100hIbqA7s0bFoGO6kJhf9xQkzU6nc24-spJBDf0boMQYGb-t-u1woquz7u2xDg3oKzvQrKJmad38TvGC9O-TB/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="810" data-original-width="1080" height="480" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhvNuy0gvXRaNR18jDy4_pU98ku-Jd7oDcC5SdFG2McEwuUWr100hIbqA7s0bFoGO6kJhf9xQkzU6nc24-spJBDf0boMQYGb-t-u1woquz7u2xDg3oKzvQrKJmad38TvGC9O-TB/w640-h480/image.png" width="640" /></a></div><br /><i>Above and below: </i><span face="Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif" style="color: #222222; font-size: 13.2px;"><i>Tens of thousands of people from all over China joined together to remember Mao Zedong in the early hours of Sunday morning at the Mao Zedong Bronze Statue Square in Shaoshan. (Photo taken from Hong Kong Wenhui.com)</i></span><div style="color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px;"><i>The China News Service reports that many people have been arriving at Mao Zedong Square since 00:00 on Sunday. After putting on their masks and taking the initiative to cooperate with the staff to check their body temperature, health codes and trip cards, people held flowers and waved red flags as they sang and danced in the square.</i></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgFDgwMKyVA4Ygx588rH9OJGo9vSsLRTUg_GBiH68KgijFTJXiYwjngqfFFDqWGofzqCVplH52GquAVNv6mPHvFC5iIKa2Lta_Zu558Wkjppn4nLYn6-dI4MebBNpr5XEBQiIIV/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="492" data-original-width="940" height="334" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgFDgwMKyVA4Ygx588rH9OJGo9vSsLRTUg_GBiH68KgijFTJXiYwjngqfFFDqWGofzqCVplH52GquAVNv6mPHvFC5iIKa2Lta_Zu558Wkjppn4nLYn6-dI4MebBNpr5XEBQiIIV/w640-h334/image.png" width="640" /></a></div><br /><br clear="all" /></span><hr align="left" size="1" style="color: #999999;" width="33%" /><div id="ftn1"><p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/Mao%20128%20ENG.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="color: #999999; text-decoration-line: none;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">[1]</span></span></span></a> Think Beatlemania in the 60s to understand Mao Zedong fever today.<o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div id="ftn2"><p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/Mao%20128%20ENG.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="color: #2288bb; text-decoration-line: none;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">[2]</span></span></span></a> A reference to "A Feast of History", a book published by Long March Publishing House in 2009, in which the great achievements of outstanding Chinese throughout history, was celebrated. Here it is used ironically.<o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div id="ftn3"><p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/Mao%20128%20ENG.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="color: #2288bb; text-decoration-line: none;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">[3]</span></span></span></a> The 1981 Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China, drawn up by Deng Xiaoping and his gang of capitalist-roaders, contained 25 references to “mistakes” made by or associated with Comrade Mao Zedong, but they still needed to hide behind his great reputation, so they said his achievements were 70% and his mistakes 30%.<o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div id="ftn4"><p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/Mao%20128%20ENG.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="color: #2288bb; text-decoration-line: none;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">[4]</span></span></span></a> Feudalism, bureaucrat-capitalism and imperialism.<o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div id="ftn5"><p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/Articles%20about%20Mao/Mao%20128%20ENG.docx#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="color: #2288bb; text-decoration-line: none;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">[5]</span></span></span></a> Li Zicheng had led a peasant rebellion that invaded Beijing and, in 1644, toppled the Ming Dynasty. Even though he overran Beijing, the would-be emperor failed to keep power because he and his colleagues alienated the masses by adopting an aristocratic lifestyle. His rule lasted less than a year.</span></p></div></div></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /><br /></span></span></p></div><br /><br /></span></span></div><span style="text-align: justify;"><br /></span></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /><br /></span></span></p></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /><br /></span></span></p></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: white; color: #999999; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13.2px; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /><br /></span></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-5114425306041063612021-12-23T00:05:00.005-08:002021-12-23T00:05:49.268-08:00Li Jicai: What is the cause of the capitalist restoration?<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGpd-UxVyAv_uOfY44qU65GlKF58fj7xqTInttkK7ch3W6hYjqy0NN8u1YNHwDy8aQ7BM95VMOWiL29od_vICYH1a-d1st86b45orUUAKry2uig-J82aQNpll8VBJBxEByED9p/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="516" data-original-width="773" height="428" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGpd-UxVyAv_uOfY44qU65GlKF58fj7xqTInttkK7ch3W6hYjqy0NN8u1YNHwDy8aQ7BM95VMOWiL29od_vICYH1a-d1st86b45orUUAKry2uig-J82aQNpll8VBJBxEByED9p/w640-h428/image.png" width="640" /></a></div><i>Above: Upholding the banner: .Socialism with Chinese characteristics is not state capitalism. Respondng on Twitter, a Chinese wrote: "The thesis that socialism with Chinese characteristics is not state capitalism is well proven, because mainland China is indeed not state capitalism. </i><i>Mainland China is power capitalism. </i><i>Of all capitalism, power capitalism is the worst kind; all wealth, in the end, goes to the power elite. </i><i>With state capitalism, at least the state will still take care of its responsibilities, such as education, pensions, etc.</i><p></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal">2021-2-9 22:28| Posted by: <span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">南极</span>| Views: 6993| Comments:
9|Originally Posted by: <span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">李甲才</span>|
From: <span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">网络</span><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(<i>Translator’s preface: An interesting article but a
rather turgid translation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This author,
Li Jicai, writes relatively short paragraphs, but they are littered with
idiomatic expressions, abbreviations, ancient proverbs and very clipped
expressions – what he says is important, and I apologise for not making it flow
more smoothly in English. There are two sets of footnotes. Those indicated as {Note 1} are the author's, the others are mine.)<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Li Jicai<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">2021.2.7<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In the 20th century, the world witnessed unprecedented
changes that had not been seen for thousands of years. The successful
revolutions of Lenin and Mao, who led the Soviet and Chinese parties and
revolutionary people to seize power, ushered in a new era in the history of
socialism in the world and in their own countries, with the emergence of an
unprecedented socialist camp. Not long afterwards came the unprecedented
changes of the century, when socialism failed in the long sequence of human
history after only a few decades, and then successively in the unprecedented
restoration of capitalism. The leader did his best in his later years to fight
against revisionism and restoration, but still failed to go beyond the
preconception of the possibility of a peaceful evolution in the second
generation.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The restoration and regression by the capitalist-roaders in
the communist parties of all countries, who are engaged in
counter-revolutionary revisionism, have a common denominator, which<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>is not even a pure capitalist system, but a
colonial or semi-colonial capitalism of the surrendered, bought and paid-for,
subordinate type. In the case of China, can it be that the "second
generation of leadership", according to their age and experience, do not
know what the century-old foreign affairs movement is all about? From 1840 to
1949, China became a testing ground for all sorts of political ideas that did
not work, and it was only socialism that gave the Chinese nation a new lease of
life, but they destroyed Maoist socialism in a heartless manner.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">What are the causes of the capitalist restoration?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I. Socialism is a social system of an unprecedentedly
high standard<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Commun{social}ism is a new type of social system that is
completely different from all previous societies, it is the peak of the
Himalayas climbed in the history of human social development. In politics,
economics, ideology and culture, traditional customs and habits, it continues
to eliminate selfishness and build up devotion to the public interest, to establish
the party for the public, promote proletarian thinking and destroy bourgeois
thinking, fight self and repudiate revisionism, and transform the objective
world and the subjective world of all people.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">A concise and accurate formulation would be two radical
breaks: "The communist revolution is the most radical break with
traditional relations of ownership; not surprisingly, it has to make the most
radical break with traditional ideas in the course of its own
development". (Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto, February 1848).
Four everything: "This socialism is the proclamation of constant
revolution, the class dictatorship of the proletariat, a dictatorship which is
the inevitable stage of reaching the elimination of all class differences, of
all the relations of production from which these differences arise, of all the
social relations which correspond to these relations of production, of the
change of all the ideas which arise from these social relations transitional
stage". (Marx, "The Class Struggle in France 1848-1850"
January-November 1, 1850, Marx and Engels Selected Works, Vol. 1, pp. 479,
480). Socialism is the first stage of communism. It is very different from the
alternation of slave, feudal and capitalist societies and the change of
dynasties within them, which are all different forms of revolutionary
substitution of one system of private exploitation and oppression for another.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">As we move gradually from a socialist society to a communist
society, Chairman Mao insists on the theory and practice of continuing
revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, and that without this
"dictatorship condition" there can be no continuing revolution.
According to the practice of the "social revolution" that had been
established, the propagation of communist ideas and the growth of communist
social factors were constantly expanded, which set new standards and tasks for
the continuation of the revolution, and it was only natural that initiatives to
break down the old and create the new would be born.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Criticising bourgeois right, and "equating" that
criticism with the masses, and constantly digging out the traditional concepts
of getting ahead, getting rich and getting promoted, and "learning to be
superior", which are hidden in the minds of many people, have been
implemented from theory to practice to narrow the differences between workers
and peasants, urban and rural areas, and mental and physical labour. The three
major differences between workers and peasants, urban and rural areas, and
mental and physical labour, and the fact that there is no distinction between
high and low, but only a difference in the division of labour, have been concretely
implemented into the provisions of the national cadre policy. The people were
given the right to participate in the specific management of the leading organs
of the state at all levels, and the three-in-one combination of the old,
middle-aged and young people were introduced with the new standards of the
central government, keeping the original salary unchanged, for the first time
in history.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Continuing to promote the "socialist revolution and
construction" {Note 1}, one can understand what Chairman Mao said before
his death when he criticized the capitalist-roaders, "The problem is that they
belong to the petty bourgeoisie, their thinking moves easily to the right, and they
represent the bourgeoisie, but say that class contradictions are not clearly
seen. ". It's not that the leader is left but they are too right. When he
was alive, they only performed vaguely and evasively. When they gain power, they
will show their blue face and fangs.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"Some comrades, mainly the old ones, are still stuck in
the stage of the bourgeois democratic revolution in their thinking and do not
understand, resist or even oppose the socialist revolution." "After
the democratic revolution, the workers and poor peasants did not stop, they
wanted a revolution." "Some people have backed off and opposed the
revolution. Why? Having become big officials, they want to protect the
interests of the big officials. They have nice houses, cars, high salaries and
waiters, more than capitalists." "The socialist revolution has
revolutionised itself", {Note 2} Where is the bourgeoisie if not within
the Communist Party, measured by the criteria of continuing revolution?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"In industry learn from Daqing" and "in agriculture
learn from Dazhai", and "even ordinary workers and peasants were
making progress every day". At this time, when the country was under
public ownership, almost everyone was internalised as a proletarian, and
workers and peasants continued to rise from the masses-in-themselves to the class-for-itself,
and the "three honests, four stricts, and four sames" were made very
concrete {Note 4}. The "Maple Bridge experience"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
was also applied to reformers who had broken the law, who were put under the
control of the masses and transformed into new people through work and study,
while administrative expenses were reduced. This is a manifestation of the
leaders' efforts to turn negative factors into positive ones. The work of each
individual in a fully communal society took on a noble nature of service to the
people, freeing people from the Shylockian narrow-mindedness of self-consciousness
and restoring the distorted motivation that already existed in people {Note 4}.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">We studied the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat
and improved the "construction of a bourgeois state without capitalists,
similar to the old society", removed distribution according to work,<span style="color: red;"> </span>the eight-tier wage system, and restricted bourgeois
right under the dictatorship of the proletariat, regardless of the number of
people involved. The reason for this is that the entire population had entered
a period of "socialist revolution and construction" in which public
ownership is the entire economic system and the upbringing of children is a
contribution to society. Since all people are working for society under the
wage system of "equal pay for equal work", regardless of the size of
the dependent population, and the exchange of money for the sale of rice,
flour, oil and vegetables, the formal equality of distribution according to
labour concealed the inequality in substance. There is a good practical reason
for its progressive restriction<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Socialism cannot be created on demand in a social
environment pre-designed by the revolutionaries, nor is it a divine arrival of
the immortals, which is expected by all, but is built on a specific social basis,
constantly in the class struggle and the confrontation between the advanced and
the backward, the revolutionary and the counter-revolutionary. If there is no progress,
there will be retreat. It was difficult for those who had a different
understanding of the "socialist revolution and construction",
fellow-travellers and capitalist-roaders during this leadership period, to
accept it ideologically, not to mention actively work for it. Chairman Mao's
glorious revolutionary theories and practices left the new democratic
revolutionaries, who were fighting the world together, far behind. They were
afraid of the leader's authority and kept their pent-up grievances in their
hearts.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">At this time, Deng used "taking the three directives as
the key link"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="ZH-CN">{</span>Note 5}
to tamper with Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, and his political thinking
was not even close to being on the same level. The leader knew the difference
and naturally pointed out <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">“What!
Take the three directives as the key link. Stability and unity do not mean
writing off class struggle; class struggle is the key link and everything else
hinges on it.” </span>The contradiction and struggle between the two lines in
the Party is a reflection of the class struggle in the Party. Therefore, it is
also said that "the line is the key link, and once the key link is grasped,
everything falls into place", and that "the correctness of the ideological
and political line decides everything".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The leader's above-mentioned in-depth theory of continuing
the revolution has outlined a bright and beautiful social blueprint for our
country and for the people of the world. The capitalist-roaders, on the other
hand, have betrayed "socialist revolution and construction" with a
different kind of "seeking truth from facts". A new technological
product has to be tested many times before it works, and socialism, whose
standards surpass those of all previous societies, is bound to be full of
contradictions.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Standing on different starting points naturally results in very
different points of view. Compared to communism, looking at the ready-made base
of "socialist revolution and construction" is indeed a small step or
two in a long march of ten thousand miles. The Soviet Communist Party's
Khrushchev's communism of roast beef with potatoes was indignantly denounced by
Chairman Mao as "no need to fart" {Note 6}. The capitalist-roaders,
like Shen Gongpao {Note 7}, had their eyes on the back of their heads to see
the outside world, and this was "how it was going to be", after
thousands of years of private ownership.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">II. A brief explanation of the concept and short-lived
practice of a communist socialist society<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The blueprint for a communist society is one in which the
ideological consciousness of people is greatly raised, material wealth is
greatly enriched, all social assets are shared by society as a whole, labour
becomes the conscious first need of the people, every person does their best,
distribution is according to need, all people live together in natural harmony,
and classes, parties, countries, nations and currencies throughout the world
die out. The first stage of communism Lenin characterised as socialism.
Scientific socialism is commonly known as communism. What is scientific
socialism and what are the key points for rebuilding a socialist society are
summarised in five items and one other.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"First, public ownership of the means of
production".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The means of production are owned by society as a whole, the
people are the masters of their own house, everyone has a job, and there is no
unemployment for all. It eliminates the exploitation and oppression of workers,
peasants and other workers by the private ownership of the means of production
by the landlords and capitalists, and the political and wealth inequalities of
capitalist society that are concealed by the formal equality of the voting system.
It solves the insurmountable contradiction between socialised capitalist
production and private ownership of the means of production, which leads to periodic
economic crises of various kinds, and maximises the liberation and development
of the productive forces.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Only an economic system in which the means of production are
publicly owned can realise the aim of production for the whole of society to directly
meet the material and cultural needs of the people and change the private
ownership society from production for the maximisation of profit. Common
prosperity "for the majority of the Chinese people and for the majority of
the world's people, not for the minority, not for the exploiting classes, not
for the bourgeoisie" (Chairman Mao, June 1964, talk on training
successors).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"Second, state power under the dictatorship of the
proletariat."<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The "dictatorship of the proletariat", as the name
implies, means that the party and state power are held in accordance with the
political, economic, ideological and cultural demands of the proletariat.
According to the class composition of the workers, who were not in the majority
at the beginning of the country, it was also called "the people's
democratic dictatorship based on the workers' and peasants' alliance led by the
working class", and was usually organised and implemented by the Communist
Party, which was made up of the advanced elements of the class. “Who gives the
leaders of the party and state their power? It is given by the working class,
by the poor and middle peasants, by the masses of working people who make up
more than ninety per cent of the population" (Chairman Mao, People's
Daily, 16 October 1968).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The Party's organisational discipline stipulates that the
whole Party is subservient to the Central Committee. Therefore, during the
socialist period Chairman Mao pointed out that "especially we must be on
guard against revisionism in the Central Committee" (Chairman Mao, January
1962) and that "if revisionism emerges from the Central Committee, what
will you do? This is the most dangerous thing" (Chairman Mao, 16 February
1965). This shows the reaction of the supreme leadership power of the Party and
the State in the superstructure to the social base. The dictatorship is
constituted by the army, the organs of power, and the law enforcement agencies.
Its functions are, firstly, to oppress the reactionary classes within the state
and to suppress the destruction of "socialist revolution and construction"
by the reactionaries; secondly, to defend and combat the aggression and
subversion of the external enemy; and thirdly, to exercise total dictatorship
over the bourgeoisie in the economic base and the superstructure, including the
various cultural spheres, of the already established socialist society.
"The question of why Lenin said dictatorship over the bourgeoisie has to
be clarified" and "if it is not clarified, it will lead to revisionism.
The whole country must be made aware of this" (Chairman Mao's People's
Daily, 22 February 1975). Thus, the 33 quotations in “Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin on the dictatorship of the proletariat” approved Chairman Mao include
all aspects of society, and herein lies the reason.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"Thirdly, to develop the national economy in a planned
and proportionate manner."<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Adhere to a planned economy in which self-reliance is the
mainstay and foreign aid is sought, resources are saved, the environment is
beautified and orderly, blind production resulting in ineffective labour is
stopped, and maximum quality, low consumption and high efficiency is achieved.
To eliminate all waste of human, material and financial resources in production
and non-production, and to achieve a reasonably simple circulation cycle from
production to consumption, as described in Engels' speech at Elbe on 8 February
1845; to make use of the aspects of commodity production, money exchange and
the law of value that are beneficial to the country's livelihood and to limit
its disadvantages. The superiority and advancement of the socialist system is
brought into play, the communist factor is constantly expanded, and all members
of society enjoy free medical care, housing, education and other welfare
guarantees.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Eliminate the unplanned and wasteful nature of the market
economy.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"Fourthly, we should implement a system of distribution
according to labour based on the ability of each person”, gradually limiting
and reducing the remnants of bourgeois right of receiving equal pay for equal
work, and regulating the "exchange of equal value" in the
distribution of wages, and such social ills as “requiring money to buy rice,
coal and vegetables regardless of how many people there are".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"Fifth, the dominance of socialist ideology and
morality and the ideology of the proletariat". This is because "in
the field of political thought, the struggle between socialism and capitalism
as to who wins and who loses will take a long time to resolve. It will not work
in a few decades, it will take a hundred to a few hundred years to
succeed" (Chairman Mao, 14 July 1964)<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
"Among the proletariat, among the staff of the organs, there are
occurrences of bourgeois style of life". Therefore, in August 1966
Chairman Mao solemnly put forward struggle-criticism-transformation: "Our
aim is to fight to bring down those in power who have taken the capitalist
road, to criticise the reactionary academic authorities of the bourgeoisie, to
criticise the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all exploiting classes, to reform
education, to reform literature and art, and to reform all superstructures that
are not adapted to the socialist economic base, so as to facilitate the
consolidation and development of the socialist system." (The "main
points" in the first to fifth inverted commas are quoted from
"Scientific socialism draws a clear line between itsef and socialism in
all its other names", Slender Man, 28 August 2014).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Sixthly, in international dealings, we adhere to a
diplomatic line based on the five principles of equality and mutual benefit,
non-interference in each other's internal affairs and peaceful coexistence,
oppose both national betrayal and narrow nationalism, and support the just struggle
of peoples for independence and freedom and the revolutionary struggle against capitalist
construction.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">There is no significant difference between scientific
socialism and idealistic socialism in terms of the organic composition of
society, but the main difference lies in the way and means of seizing power.
The watershed is the breaking up of the old state apparatus by armed struggle
and violent revolution. The fact is that the peaceful means, the parliamentary
road, has never produced socialism since the beginning of the doctrine of
socialism, but has led the revolution astray.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The aim is to seize power to build a society which follows
the socialist road, relying on the political power to first carry out the
reform of the ownership of the means of production, and realize the
"elimination of private ownership" specified in the "Communist
Manifesto". How to continue to promote the great cause of "socialist
revolution and construction"? Chairman Mao has made great contributions,
and the Socialist Education Movement and the Cultural Revolution are his
creations.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The revolutionary mentor was very specific about socialism,
and the standard model of Maoist socialism is the 1975 Constitution<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
The period of socialism's existence varied from country to country in terms of
ethnicity, language, culture, etc., but the common denominator was roughly the
six articles mentioned above. Chairman Mao also created the Cultural Revolution
paradigm of preserving and building a society.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">III, the world's share of "socialist revolution and
construction" is small and short-lived.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The world's private ownership societies began with slavery
and have been in operation for several thousand years. In China, there were
more than 5,000 years from the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties to 1949, while
public society lasted 29 years from 1949 to 1978, when the agricultural cooperatives
was dissolved, and 39 years from 1917 to 1956, when the Soviet Union was in
power until the "Three Peacefuls and Two Wholes"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">At present, more than 200 countries and regions around the
world are almost exclusively capitalist countries with multiple parties ruling
alternately, with pluralistic politics, privatised economies and
market-oriented operations. Even these few countries are not a paradise where
everyone is happy, nor where there is harmony and peace, proving that
capitalism is not the best recipe for human happiness.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">After decades of taking the socialist road to resolve many
contradictions, the Soviet Union has been reintegrated into a capitalist
society for more than 30 or 40 years and has not achieved normal and reasonable
development. There has been a sufficient period of time to verify the pros and
cons of the social system. The people have instead lost the security of
employment, distribution and welfare that they had achieved. From very
disparate starting points with the same period of two comparisons, 30 years
before and after the Soviet Union, 27 years in China compared to 43 were
capable and energetic<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
As long as it is not done mischievously, and calmly measured with comprehensive
social standards, we will come to the conclusion that socialism is the right
direction for human development to move forward, and that the restoration and
retrogression is not a good way out.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The evolution of human society from feudalism to capitalism,
and from there to socialism and back again in a few areas, is evidence of the
reality of progression in many directions. The Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and
Cambodia have all regressed to the point of unthinkable societies. Over a time
frame of several thousand years, societies have always crawled slowly forward.
The fact that at some point in time it has twisted and turned backwards, but
has not extinguished the human race, has added to the confusion of knowing
society and knowing oneself in retrospect. The most reactionary social systems
were seldom as exterminating as the Song and Ming dynasties and the Qing
dynasty, which lost around 80 or 90 per cent of their population.{Note 8}<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">True socialism, if it is not to be misunderstood by the
dizzying array of so-called socialisms, would be a near 100 per cent
functioning of a society with a public economy, so short that it would be
incomparable to all kinds of private ownership societies. Yet the quality and
quantity of the advancement of its society is incomparable, and its superiority
and advancement unparalleled. The introduction of the eight-hour working day
for the first time, the absence of unemployment for all, free health care,
education and housing, the elimination of polarisation and the reduction of the
hierarchical differences between the different divisions of labour and the lack
of hierarchy, etc., are unprecedented in a thousand years and show a strong
vitality.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">There is a law of uneven world development, what if
Leninist-Maoist socialism had run for 100 years and 200 years? Socialism was
fortunate to be established in poor places like Russia and China, but unfortunately
it collapsed in the short term under internal and external attack. The leadership
was well aware of the world and national conditions, of the "enormous
socialist initiative of the masses" and of the fact that "small
production is constantly, daily, spontaneously and in large numbers generating
capitalism and the bourgeoisie. This is also the case with part of the working
class and part of the Party membership". The two tendencies are mutually
exclusive and mutually reinforcing. Where those with high and firm communist
ideals occupy the key positions that can determine the direction of society's
advance, socialism will advance triumphantly everywhere, and vice versa.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Socialist society has been demonised by capitalist
go-getters in communist garb, wearing the red flag against the red flag, and
has been denied the material and spiritual power it had gathered. Even with
nuclear weapons, they are frightened like sparrows, like mangy dogs with their
backbones removed, wagging their tails and begging for mercy at the feet of
imperialism. The use of the huge wealth accumulated in the public sector to turn
the public into the private sector has revived the polarisation that had been
eliminated, deviating from the interests of the vast majority of the people and
leading to a dead end in the development of society.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In 1991, after decades of anti-communist and anti-socialist
frenzy in the Soviet Union, Gorbachev's whimsical attempt to hold a referendum
proved that his perversion had no popular base, with 76.4 per cent of the
population voting against secession. American scholars have revealed that the
restoration and sell-out came from the top.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The Chinese capitalists are "retreating overnight to
the days before liberation" by dividing up the fields and working alone,
taking Xiaogang village in Anhui<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
as a typical example to lead the way in disbanding the agricultural community,
and slandering the people's commune for bringing agriculture to a standstill.
At that time, the whole country's agriculture was a collective economy, and
Xiaogang Village had been eating hundreds of thousands of pounds of returned
grain for years. Did it fall from the sky? Before liberation, the people had
been starving for thousands of years, but the collectivisation of agriculture
in the past few decades had fed 22% of the world's population, which was hailed
as a miracle worldwide.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Socialism is unprecedented, and so are the contradictions it
encounters:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">1, internal and external reactionaries’ extreme hatred of
the "Communist Society", the cost of opposing America and aiding North
Korea, aiding Vietnam; purge and suppression of counter-revolutionaries; the self-defense
counterattack against India; crushing the subversion of U.S.-Chiang
counter-attack on the mainland; resistance to Soviet chauvinism, etc.. The
victorious revolution of Russian Communist Party faced the vitality of an
invincible external enemy. White Russian bandits, the siege by 14 imperialist countries,
Hitler’s invasion, could not defeat the Soviet Union. The most dangerous enemy
is that the top leaders of the party become capitalist-roaders to attack from
within.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">2, the interference and obstruction of various wrong lines
and wrong words and deeds within the party, at the highest level from the time
of the co-operatives to the success of the division of the land back into
single farming after 1976: the expansion of the anti-rightist struggle; the boastfulness
of the Great Leap Forward, the “communist” wind; the nine commentaries criticising
Soviet revisionism; the Cultural Revolution to promote the anti-capitalist
roader line and to oppose the suppression of the student revolutionary action,
etc..<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">3. To carry out "socialist revolution and
construction" in a poor place where there is no material wealth to inherit,
it is necessary to take into account overall plans for food, housing and
clothing, and comprehensively develop national defense, industry, scientific
research, and agriculture. It is difficult for the daily necessities provided
by distribution through the public funds to eliminate and balance the
higher-level demand and supply that people quickly generate in the short term.
The capitalist-roaders maliciously plotted in secret to incite the grassroots,
and their indifference and aversion to socialism spread and grew.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">4, it is not that the leaders did not allow Liu, Lin and Deng
to take over, but in the progress of "socialist revolution and construction"
and the expansion of their desire for power, it clearly revealed a departure
from socialism, and their taking over the power would certainly lead to the
defeat of the "communist society". Numerous party members and cadres
had failed to break the influence of the "theory of joining the party to
become an official" from the depths of their thinking.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">5. Cleaning up the four olds - existing old ideas, old
culture, old customs, and old habits in the ideological and cultural fields -
failed to make leading cadres at all levels reach the height of self-restraint in
the revolution, and more consciously think about building the party for the
public, fighting private interest for public interest, and fighting self to
repudiate revisionism. With the in-depth development of "socialist
revolution and construction", and new changes in class relations that appeared,
the bourgeoisie emerged among the party's higher and middle level officials.
The number of New Democratic revolutionaries who could not pass the "barrier
into the Socialist Revolution" {Note 10}, that could not be equated with
the people, but degenerated into capitalist-roaders has relatively expanded.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">6, to engage in an anti-revisionist Cultural Revolution to
prevent revisionism shocked the world, but failed to build operational and
clear institutional policy provisions to be able to prevent the capitalist-roaders
from usurping the supreme power of the party and using "the whole party must
obey the central government, the party leads everything" to engage in restoration
and regression of the unfavourable side. It should have been made possible to
counter the wrong trend, unconditionally resist the wrong leadership, wrong
decrees and instructions against the community and the public, and to have a
standardised and concrete basis for implementation that everyone can use, so as
to eliminate the reality that the capitalist-roaders are in a position to bring
about the death of the community and the government. At this point, it is
understandable that the leader had the foresight to say, "Don't think that
if there are one or two or three or four Cultural Revolutions, there will be no
more trouble. Never lose your guard".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Despite the fact that the "social revolution" was
a result of internal and external troubles, the Chinese nation was shocked by
the world's disparity and the transformation of its old appearance into a new
one, and that the reluctance of groups to continue the revolution gave rise to
capitalist and bourgeois forces on a daily basis within a specific social base,
making the operation of the "communist society" more complex and
contradictory than one would normally imagine. The Communist Party operates
with more complex contradictions than the average person can imagine. The
liberation of all mankind was the ideological line of communism, and Chairman
Mao could only strengthen socialist education through political campaigns.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">IV. The weighty influence of the accumulated humanities
of the Old World was far-reaching.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Imperialism was fortunate to have an accumulated heritage of
thousands of years of inextricable links of ideology and culture from the Old
World. The separation of powers, supported by the superstructure and social
foundations, gives it the political and class sustaining power to ensure that
the resulting heads are capitalist for generations. But the separation of
powers is the political model by which capitalism operates, and the peddling of
such has invariably restored capitalism, with no precedent for socialist postponement.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The working class in Europe and America, lacking the
leadership of a truly revolutionary party organisation, has not been able for
centuries to rise from a class-in-itself to a class-for-itself, fighting for
its own destiny, let alone in China, where there is a sea of small production.
The overthrow of a reactionary regime is the same as the change of dynasties in
the old society, but the socialist system that has been established is not easy
to defend and uphold in the short term, and requires a long historical phase,
as people inwardly maintain and defend socialism as their personal wealth. In
contrast, private ownership societies have over time developed and generated
political and class forces that consciously defend and uphold capitalist
society.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The working class in the western empires of the United
States, Britain, France, Germany and Italy, without the leadership and guidance
of the real communists who had seized power and organised themselves, still
struggled in misery year after year, no matter how much they marched and
demonstrated and went on strike and protested. The occasional politician
president or prime minister who knows how to play tricks also aids and abets
the anti-communist and anti-socialist movement. Of course, there are also
reasons for the suffocation of the narrow nationalist factors that breed
imbalances in world development.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Much of the accumulation of wealth by the Western powers was
the result of invasion and plunder. The most notable in recent times has been
the United States, which is uniquely situated with two neighbours on two sides
of the ocean. In the two world wars, it first stood by and sold arms to make
unjust money from the war, then when both sides were exhausted, it stepped in
to win the war and became the hegemonic black boss of the world, then backed up
its boasted values with force, but never engaged in localised socialism to
experiment with the diversity of social systems and to prove its correctness.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The Chinese people have suffered for thousands of years from
the oppression and exploitation of the reactionary ruling groups, and the dregs
of nationalism and traditional culture have turned into a scattering of
political ideas, short-sightedness and "everyone sweeping the snow in
front of their own door, not caring about the frost on the tiles of
others". Under the influence of the vast ocean of small-scale production, they
were misled by capitalist-roaders and became indifferent to the socialism that
had rescued them.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Unlike the wolf-hearted, die-hard capitalist-roaders, the repeated
experience of living a miserable life is in the end a constant awakening and
enlightenment, stimulated by the negative teachers and lessons, as best
exemplified by the "Maoist fever"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
Although they have not yet reached the level of "repaying the kindness of
a drop of water with a spring", it is remarkable that they have not
forgotten the favours they once received from Maoist socialism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">One reason why socialism, which represents the interests of
the majority, has such a short lifespan is that the political ideology of those
in power at the top is not passed on in a way that resembles the natural
transmission of blood ties. The road to socialism should draw on the best of
the successful experiences of ancient and modern governance for its own use. At
a time when there is still a fierce struggle between the socialist and
capitalist paths, a comprehensive plan based on the principle that the
preservation of the "common society" {Note 11} is the most important
thing and the others are the least important is in line with the inherent
requirement that the blood of countless martyrs is not wasted.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">After the triumph of the October Revolution Lenin said that
when the old society died, it did not end up like a dead man in a coffin, but
was still emitting its stench into the new society. In response to the emergence
of Soviet revisionism, the leader said on 14 July 1964, "The existence of
bourgeois influence is the domestic source of revisionism. Submission to
imperialist pressure is the root of revisionism abroad". In a talk in
August of the same year, he hit the nail on the head: "When revisionism
comes to power, the bourgeoisie comes to power". How many people at the
top of the Party believed this?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The revolutionary leaders left the capitalist-roaders in
power and took advantage of the Party's high prestige among the people and the
discipline of the whole Party to obey the Central Committee. Using the progress
of 27 years of socialism of common prosperity for all, to compare with the
centuries-old capitalist system of the West in which the capitalists seek to
maximize profits for the prosperity of the few, the plague of American, British
and French-style capitalism being better than Maoist-style socialism was forced
down the throats of the whole Party and the whole army and the whole nation,
and the act of repeating the mistakes of the Soviet revisionists began with
great fanfare and continues to spread to this day.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">What was once a time of great ambition to defeat empires on
many fronts has become a soft target for the US when it comes to nuclear
weapons. Don’t you know the numbers? 1976 is the 200th anniversary of the
establishment of capitalism in the United States. Did Mao-style socialism run
for the same number of years?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">There are fundamental differences between socialism and
capitalism. If a capitalist leader rises to absolute authority and establishes
a “one-word party”, then his words will alienate the people. “The proletariat
can only liberate itself if it liberates all mankind". Communism embraces
all people, and even war criminals who lay down their arms have to be
rehabilitated to become human again. Those who were instrumental in
overthrowing the Chiang dynasty and establishing a new China are to be welcomed
if they make mistakes and are willing to correct them. It has always been the
party's policy to treat the sickness to save the patient after punishment.
However, this has led to a number of two-faced hypocrites muddling through by swindling
and cheating.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The so-called freedom, democracy, equality, human rights and
fraternity that capitalism has preached for centuries is nothing more than a
way of institutionalising the hereditary wealth of feudal society into a
fantasy that seems possible for everyone, a vague satisfaction like winning the
lottery. The system was designed in such a way as to provide for the profit of
the few and the graft of the many. This has long been refuted by revolutionary
teachers, who have clarified that formal equality conceals substantive
inequality. This is a very simple and understandable truth, but one that cannot
be dispelled for a while owing to the illusions of the people. The social basis
for the existence of religion also stems from this.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Fifth. Party-wide obedience to the Central Committee had a
double-edged character during the period of socialist revolution and construction.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The CCP was founded with the help of the Third International
under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and from its
inception it aimed at overthrowing the reactionary regime in old China and
establishing socialism, propagating, calling for, mobilising and uniting
communists in the revolutionary tide to fight for the toiling masses. 28 years
of struggle<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
22 of which were spent on the armed struggle under the leadership of Chairman
Mao. The "New Democratic Revolution" was the necessary preparation
for the "Socialist Revolution" and the Socialist Revolution was the
inevitable trend of the New Democratic Revolution.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The new China is not the Paris Commune, or Hungary, or
Cambodia, where successful revolutions were overthrown by hostile external
forces and forced to accept a "pact under the city" to restore what
had been overthrown. It is self-evident who could have restored the overthrown and
destroyed the “Communist society”. Who has the right to do so? The wealth
accumulated in 27 years of socialism is for sale in name only and at a price
that the United States, Britain and France cannot afford to buy. Only the
powers-that-be can sell it all on their own, and here is the profound meaning
of Chairman Mao's statement that revisionism in the central government is the
most dangerous.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Both positive and negative facts prove that insisting on
continuing the revolution and taking class struggle as the key link is the only
way to ensure the continuation of socialism without defeat. As the political
movement continued to cleanse and baptize the top echelons of the Party, which
lacked a sense of crisis over the loss of socialism, conscious and unconscious
resentment and resistance became a common phenomenon, inducing a negative,
rebellious and resistant mentality among a section of the masses, who would use
the "Big Four" at the slightest incitement, the Tiananmen Square
incident of April 5, 1976 being a stark lesson.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Opposing and guarding against revisionism continued the
revolution, and the leaders close to the top leadership also had a deep ideological
divide. They participated in the revolution before and after the Long March,
and they have withstood the test of turning around. They can't be regarded as opportunists
infiltrating into the revolutionary camp, right? The mentors had to be
corrected when they advocated the criticism of Lin and the extreme left. During
the period when the "Socialism with Chinese characteristics" camp
separated from the "Maoist Communist Party"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
they were tempted to follow and wave their banners by the temptation of making
officials famous, and when they were given the chairmanship of the Chinese People’s
Political Consultative Conference, they joined the "Socialism with Chinese
characteristics" camp which set up the party for private ends. The rest
can be imagined, which shows the difficulty and bitterness of knowing and
understanding the uninterrupted and unfailing nature of collectivised
socialism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Marshall Lin entered the revolutionary camp when the Chinese
revolution was in its infancy. After the Nanchang Uprising, he rejected the
idea of “mountain-topism” in the army and supported Chairman Mao's
revolutionary line. During the Jinggangshan period, he showed his talents and
took the lead in the Long March. In the fierce anti-Japanese war when there was
clamouring about subjugation, the national army was defeated by more than one
hundred thousand people. When the Workers and Peasants Red Army arrived in
northern Shaanxi, the victory of Pingxingguan shattered the myth that the
Japanese Army was invincible. The War of Liberation first commanded two of the
three major battles, and led the four fields to fight to Hainan Island. Serving
as the Minister of National Defense, ruling the army outstandingly, propagating
the domination of Mao Zedong's {ideology}, how could he not pass the socialist
revolution during the Cultural Revolution? It would be sad to say goodbye to
the leader while continuing the revolution.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">After his cataract operation on 28 July 1975, Chairman Mao
sobbed uncontrollably as he read Chen Liang's <Nian Nu Jiao - Ascent to Dao
Jing > from the Southern Song Dynasty, "What happened in the Six Dynasties
was only a private plan for the few”. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>How
similar was this to the upper echelons of the Party at that time? Isn't it
possible that you can't completely change your mind when you enter the top?
Worrying about your livelihood? It takes time for the truth in the hands of the
few to become truth in the hands of the majority.<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The failure of global socialism was not some failure of the
socialist system created by Lenin, Stalin and Mao. The brilliant achievements
of the Soviet Union and China in achieving full development in a short period
of time are rare in the world, surpassing the capitalist society by hundreds of
years. Socialism, a new type of society that renounces and denies the existence
of the old, can only be done by a genuine Communist Party, and that is only a
Communist one-party dictatorship. The principle of organisational discipline
established by Lenin, Stalin and Mao in the course of the seizure of power,
that "the whole party obeys the centre", has developed into "the
party leads everything", and has taken on a dual character. When the
Party's supreme power was successfully usurped by the capitalist-roaders, the
change from socialist to capitalist power became supreme, and a single word
became the law of the land, which was bound to destroy the "Communist
Party". After the success of the Sino-Soviet revolution, the West won the
battle against the Communist Party without a fight, as Khrushchev and Gorbachev,
and Hua and Deng came to power and broke through from within.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The global capitalist-roaders returning to the road of
restoring traitors can only refer to the capitalism of the United States,
Britain, France, and Germany. Naturally, they are following the same trend, and
they all have the same characteristics of being soft in the head and missing
some brains. Neither can we recognize and obliterate the sharp contradictions
between social resources and the national rifts that are difficult to heal
between countries. China and the Soviet Union have abandoned and eliminated the
"collectivist society" or hollowed out their connotations. However, they
are still repeatedly blocked, sanctioned, suppressed and bullied by the United
States and the West, and will be until they are dismantled into inconspicuous
"fragments", and they allow themselves to be trampled on and
slaughtered and disappear, such as the split up of Yugoslavia. It's not worth talking
about.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In today's world, some people who are lucky enough to gain
power can hold it for a while, but they are all fools who lack a strategic
vision. The Chinese capitalist-roaders are arrogant and regressive. They simply
do not improve the social structure and add moral elements, and they do not
work hard to reform the social "bad soil". The Buddha-faced,
wolf-hearted, conspiratorial coup thief, Hua Guofeng, was overturned as soon as
he succeeded in his mischievous rise to power. It was just a case of what had
been stolen being stolen by another kind of old treacherous and cunning thief<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
who had been conspiring for a long time.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The thieves who stole from the thief were originally a
different breed of thieves, and their internal conflicts occurred one after
another. Hu and Zhao<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
jumped up and ran around, striking a pose on the stage and playing tricks for
personal gain for a while, but did not realize the measure of their own propriety,
mistakenly “took the bait" seriously, taking their orders from behind the screen<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
as a cat’s paw, and acted as friendly and likeable characters while hiding
their evil intentions behind their backs. Naturally, it didn’t take much when
they were uncovered for them to step down.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The foreign slaves, traitors and national sell-outs, adapted
to the change in circumstances and faked a self-criticism to show their
loyalty, and then counter-attacked against the promise to "never reverse
the verdict"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn16;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
Even the most resourceful can miss the mark. The original hope was that the
reversal would gain support and ruin the Maoist political line of thought and
policy. But I wonder how the group that has gained power can stop here? They
simply want to overturn the whole thing, just like Eastern Europe, and will not
be able to spare the once prosperous society. Deng and others consider
themselves to be completely anti-Mao and anti-socialist. The storm broke out after
hiding behind the curtain did not work, revealing a vicious iron fist to quell.
The United States is "grabbing the gourd to gouge its seeds”<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn17;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
the old thief this time by another wave of foreign thieves has been robbed.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The American bandit, Bush, who was in front, lost the
election to the young Clinton. He thought that by destroying everything in the
"Soviet Communist Party", he would be able to satisfy the West and
become president, but he did not know that the expansion of NATO missiles to
the east would not stop. Yeltsin had to fight for the presidency, but had to
step down on his own when he couldn't make it. The capitalists can be arrogant
for a long time with their falsehoods, but they cannot keep the people in the
dark forever.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Sixth, the Maoist Communist Party is the only society in the
world that has implemented the elimination of the distinction between superior
and inferior.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The "socialist revolution and construction"
gradually developed deeper and deeper as time went on, with the aim of
completely overthrowing the bourgeoisie and all exploiting classes, replacing
the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the dictatorship of the proletariat,
and overcoming capitalism with socialism. The Party's policy of "no
distinction between the superior and the inferior" was implemented
throughout the country, and the old ideology and culture were constantly broken
down and the communist element expanded. In 1976, with nearly 900 million
people, how many people could recognise that "the bourgeoisie was in the
Communist Party"? This was also the source of the restoration of capitalism
in China and its integration into the West.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">How could they be considered more vicious than the external
hostile forces with the label of anti-socialist and anti-communist when they
entered into the revolutionary struggle to seize power at a time when the
"New Democratic Revolution" was going to be won or lost?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is a major difficulty in eradicating the
most dangerous enemy originating from within the Party, the capitalist-roaders
at the top, or another type of more acute and complex struggle in which you
live and die. There is a qualitative difference between a leader who is firmly
committed to socialism and all those in power who pay lip service to socialism.
Any hint of deviation from the "communist" track can be distinguished
by the fact that "a big wind can leak through a hole as small as a
needle's point " and that "a thousand miles of dike depends on an
anthill" and must be strongly stopped in its infancy. It will be stopped
in its tracks.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">This ensures that the socialist system does not deteriorate
during the leader's term of office, but loses sight of the fact that the
capitalist-roaders have done what they have done so far, which is the loss of
both the communist and the socialist. To convince the masses to agree with the
theory and practice of continuing the revolution, that the bourgeoisie is in
the Communist Party, that the capitalist-roaders are still on the capitalist road,
there is no clear and visible basis for believing that the capitalist-roaders
should be eliminated before the huge cost of the loss of the "collectivised
society" is paid. And when the capitalists had buried socialism as if it
were a dream, they had lost the most convenient conditions for the leaders to
address. This is the law of limitations that even the leaders who created
socialism cannot avoid.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In addition, despite the "Two Discourses and Nine
Reviews"<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn18;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
which were prepared for a rainy day and criticised Soviet revisionism with
great fanfare, there was no visible negative lesson such as the demise of the
"Communist Society" to the East of the Soviet Union, which was both
obvious and real. The modern revisionism of Soviet Khrushchev and Yugoslav Tito
was only a precursor to the demise of our Party and the country. How can anyone
without a high sense of political responsibility understand this?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Human society has never provided two social practices,
public and private, and socialist and capitalist, to operate together in the
same region and at the same time, so that people can choose between good and
bad in a fair and peaceful manner. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The process of moving from socialism to communism is a long
historical stage, with dynamic revolution and construction in the field of
social foundations and superstructure, persistent deepening of the
establishment of the Party for the public, eliminating selfishness and building
up devotion to the public interest, breaking the old and creating new,
continuing revolution, pushing forward new theories and practices on the
political and ideological fronts, making the task more difficult and the
contradictions more intricate and complex. This was reflected in the
contradictions and struggles within the Party line, which were particularly
acute and complex, with twists and turns. It is not surprising that Liu, Lin
and Deng emerged as one category, and Hua Guofeng and Wang Dongxing as another.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The restoration of capitalism occurs in certain social
conditions, and the capitalists usurp power with various specious and grand
arguments, starting from the shallow to the deep, openly talking about Yao and Shun<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn19;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
and secretly acting as the evil-doer, playing it out to the point where their
black flag is blatantly displayed, and nakedly turning public into private for
foreign investment, and implementing polarization policies to buy a large
number of followers to bury the "communist society". With 21 free
trade zones and three batches of negative lists<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn20;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
what else is there to do? The self-proclaimed second largest economy, 600
million people with a monthly income of 1,000 yuan, 340 million with a monthly
income of less than 2,000 yuan, is it necessary to complain about not returning
from studying? What is the opposite, the cost of maintaining stability is
higher than the military expenditure in proving that social and class conflicts
are becoming more intense? The revolution to rebuild socialism will surely come
and will surely win!<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The re-establishment of socialism has the basis of past
successes compared to the first round of socialism around the world, but there are
also unfavorable factors that the bourgeoisie in various countries have smeared
the "communists" beyond recognition. At present, no country can be
found where there is a society without a name, and there is talk abroad of
"alternative societies".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It's not the socialist revolutionaries who make arbitrary
conclusions against capitalism on the basis of emotions, it's the truth that
has been taught by the fact that capitalism of all kinds has been operating for
decades and centuries. Has unemployment been solved since capitalism existed?
That polarisation has been eliminated? The demise of capitalism and the triumph
of socialism is the inevitable way forward for human social development.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: red;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">END</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 1: socialist revolution, socialist construction.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 2: On March 3, 1976, the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of China issued document No. 4: "Chairman Mao's Important
Instructions" was issued as an important instruction from October 1975 to
March 1976 when Chairman Mao launched the criticism of Deng and countered the
right-leaning revisionist wind, and was reviewed and approved by Chairman Mao
for distribution to the whole Party and the whole country for study and
discussion.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 3: Three honests, four stricts, four the sames: treat
the revolutionary cause as an honest man, tell the truth and do honest work. To
treat work with strict requirements, strict organisation, seriousness and discipline.
We should treat the revolutionary work in the same way: the same in the dark
and the same in the day, the same in bad weather and good weather, the same in
the absence of the leader and the same in the presence of the leader, the same
in the absence of an inspection and the same in the presence of an inspection.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 4, Shylock is one of the main characters in the English
playwright Shakespeare's comedy The Merchant of Venice, one of the Four
Scrooges.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 5: Taking the three directives as the key link: after
the 10th National Congress in 1973, in 1974 and 1975, the central government
documents and newspapers published the following: "Eight years into the
Cultural Revolution, it is better to stabilise and unite", "We must
improve the national economy", "Chairman Mao's important instructions
on theoretical issues" and " Why did Lenin speak of exercising dictatorship
over the bourgeoisie? It is essential to get this question clear. Lack of
clarity on this question will, lead to revisionism. This should be made known
to the whole nation.". When Deng Xiaoping returned in 1975, Chairman Mao
arranged for him to preside over the day-to-day work of the Central Committee,
and Deng proposed "taking the three directives as the key link".<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 6: Written by Chairman Mao in the autumn of 1965, it
was published on New Year's Day 1976. Nian Nu Jiao – Two Birds: A Dialogue <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black;">The roc wings
fanwise,</span><span style="color: black;"><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">Soaring ninety thousand li</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">And rousing a raging cyclone.</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">The blue sky on his back, he looks down</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">To survey Man's world with its towns and cities.</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">Gunfire licks the heavens,</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">Shells pit the earth.</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">A sparrow in his bush is scared stiff..</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">"This is one hell of a mess!</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">O I want to flit and fly away."</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">"Where, may I ask?"</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">The sparrow replies,</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">"To a jewelled palace in elfland's hills.</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">Don't you know a triple pact was signed</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">Under the bright autumn moon two years ago?</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">There'll be plenty to eat,</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">Potatoes piping hot,</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">Beef-filled goulash."</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">"Stop your windy nonsense!</span></span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="background: white;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">Look, the world is being turned upside down."</span></span></span><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 7, Shen Gongpao: a character from the mythological
novel "The Legend of the Gods", with eyes on the back of his head<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note, 8, The Southern Song dynasty was replaced by the Yuan
dynasty in 1264, and the population plummeted to 13.2 million in 41 years of
conquest and warfare, a loss of over 80%.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Population 59.87 million in 1381 AD, the 14th year of Hongwu
of Zhu Yuanzhang of the Ming Dynasty. Population 46 million in 1406 AD during
the successful seizure of power by Ming Chengzu Zhu Di. 1406 AD is 242 years
from 1644, according to the Population Newspaper and the Xi'an Evening News
article the population was around 200 million at that time. After the defeat of
Li Zicheng in the capital and the death of Ming Chongzhen at Coal Mountain, the
Manchu Qing Dynasty entered the country. Shunzhi 8 years AD 1651 population
10,633,000. The loss was 90% up and down. In the Yangzhou massacre alone,
800,000 were killed.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 9: The Revolution from Above - The End of the Soviet
System by David Coetzee, Fred Weil, USA. Core point: "The Soviet system
was overthrown by a section of its leadership". published in May 2008.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 10, entry to the socialist revolution.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 11, short for the Communist Party and socialism<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 12, the New Democratic Revolution and the Socialist
Revolution<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 13 Maoist Communist Society: Communist Party, socialism
under Chairman Mao. Chinese Special Society: Socialism with Chinese
characteristics. Soviet Communist Party: Communist Party of the Soviet Union,
Soviet Socialism.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">note 14 The Six Dynasties refers to Nanjing as the capital
of the Eastern Wu during the Three Kingdoms, the Eastern Jin and the Song, Qi,
Liang and Chen during the Northern and Southern Dynasties.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> The
Fengqiao (“Maple bridge”) experience refers to the "experience"
created by the cadres and masses of Fengqiao Township in Zhuji County (now
Zhuji City), Shaoxing City, Zhejiang Province, in the early 1960s of
"mobilising and relying on the masses, insisting that conflicts be
resolved by the local community, and that fewer arrests should be made and
better security achieved". In 1963, Comrade Mao Zedong wrote an
instruction to "follow the example of all places, after a pilot project,
to promote it".<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Mao said that “bourgeois right” –
the inequalities inherited from capitalism – could only be restricted under
socialism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">In addition to the author’s own
footnote, the following comments were made by Mao in 1975 about Deng Xiaoping: “This
person does not grasp class struggle; he has never referred to this key link.
Still his theme of ’white cat, black cat’, making no distinction between
imperialism and Marxism.” “He does not understand Marxism-Leninism, he
represents the capitalist class.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
See: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-9/mswv9_24.htm">We
Must Prevent China From Changing Colour (marxists.org)</a><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">The short-lived 1975 Constitution
was the most advanced expression of Mao’s commitment to building socialism by
relaying on the masses.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It included the “four
freedoms” of the Cultural Revolution (speaking freely, airing views fully, writing
big-character posters and having great debates). The Constitution lasted three
years and was destroyed by Deng Xiaoping.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> After
the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Khrushchev put
forward the policy of "three peacefuls and two wholes". The Three Peacefuls:
"Peaceful Coexistence", "Peaceful Competition" and
"Peaceful Transition" (i.e. a peaceful transition from capitalism to
socialism). The "two wholes" are: "a party of the whole
people" and "a state of the whole people".<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> The
time spans here are the roughly 30 years from the 1917 revolution to Khrushchev’s
coming to power, and the roughly 3 decades until the dissolution of the Soviet
Union; and the 27 years from the 1949 revolution in China to Deng’s coming to
power, and the 4 decades since his restoration of capitalism.<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn8" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Xiaogangcun:
In 1978, eighteen peasants, allegedly on their own initiative and “at great
risk”, implemented Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping’s “household contract
responsibility system”, leading to the dismantling of the peoples communes and of
collectivised agriculture. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><o:p> </o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn9" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">There have been various waves of “Mao
fever”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was particularly strong on
the occasion of the centenary of Mao’s birth in 1993 and is characterised by
public displays of affection and respect for Mao. Sometimes these reflect a lower,
rather than a higher level of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>political
consciousness, including the building of Mao temples and revering him like a
deity. Genuine Marxist-Leninist-Maoist forces have found it hard to organise a
proletarian vanguard party with nation-wide reach. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn10" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">1921 – 1949.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn11" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">It is common in China today for reference
to be made to two different stages of the CPC: the “Maoist Communist Party”
refers to the CPC during the tenure of Mao’s leadership, while the “Special
Party” refers to the Party following its adoption of “socialism with Chinese
characteristics”. The “Maoist Communist Party” should not be confused with The
Communist Party of China (Maoist) which was formed on January 1, 2009. It
issued a letter to the people of the whole country outlining its aims.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It elected Bo Xilai, then mayor of Chongqing
as its Chairperson, although he never accepted the position. See: </span><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2009/11/bo-xilai-and-chinas-maoist-party.html">servethepeople:
Bo Xilai and China's Maoist Party (mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com)</a><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn12" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> One
day in 1975, Chairman Mao, who had just had cataract surgery, was reading a
book in his study when he suddenly burst into tears. This scared the doctor
Tang Yuzhi, who was with him, half to death, as patients are not allowed to cry
after surgery, as it may cause secondary damage. With the doctor's reassurance,
the Chairman gradually calmed down. After calming down, the Chairman handed the
book he was holding to Tang Yuzhi. When Tang took a look at the book, he saw
that it contained a lyric which was none other than Chen Liang's Nian Nujiao -
Ascending the Multi-view Tower. Chen Liang was one of the many men and women
who tried to go north to invade the Jin Dynasty and restore the Central Plains.
The old affairs of the Six Dynasties were only meant to protect the interests
of a small number of people. In Chen Liang's view, the Southern Song court,
like the rulers of the Six Dynasties, gave up the fight to go to the north to
unify the river and the mountains for the benefit of a few
"dignitaries"; in their comfort and enjoyment they forgot their
original intention.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn13" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">I.e. Deng Xiaoping<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn14" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn15" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">The author uses the Chinese idiom </span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">垂帘聽政</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, (chu</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">í</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> li</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">á</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">n t</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">ī</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">ng zh</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">è</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">ng),
"hanging curtain": the Empress Dowager or Empress is present to
listen to the government and issue its orders, and the hall is covered with a
curtain to hide her from view. </span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn16" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref16" name="_ftn16" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn16;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">On 23 October 1966, Deng Xiaoping
made a self-criticism before the Central Committee.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He and Liu Shaoqi had sent “work teams” to
the schools and universities of Beijing during Mao’s absence from the capital.
They imposed a white reign of terror on the revolutionary masses. In it, he praised
the Cultural Revolution as a movement “to ensure that our country never changes
colour and to avoid the danger of revisionism and capitalist restoration”. In
1967, Deng submitted an autobiography to the Central Committee in which he
pledged </span>"I promise never to overturn the verdict and never to be an
unrepentant capitalist-roader." On 2 August, 1972, trying to turn the Lin
Biao Incident to his advantage, he wrote to Chairman Mao that “if they had
fully grasped the supreme power of the Party and the State, not only would our
socialist motherland have turned into a capitalist restoration, but also our
country would have been reduced to a semi-colonial status, and there is no
telling how many heads will fall…. To this day, I still acknowledge the full
extent of my review and reaffirm my pledge to the Central Authorities that I
will never reverse it.”<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn17" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref17" name="_ftn17" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn17;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">An idiomatic expression for seizing
property by force.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn18" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref18" name="_ftn18" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn18;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> After
the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPC) in 1956,
differences between the two parties on issues such as the line and strategy of
the international communist movement emerged and gradually intensified. From
September 1963 to July 1964, the CPC Central Committee, on behalf of the
People's Daily and the editorial board of Red Flag, published nine articles in
succession commenting on the differences.<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn19" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref19" name="_ftn19" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn19;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Two legendary emperors of China from
more than 2000 years BC.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn20" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/why%20restoration%20of%20capitalism%20ENG.docx#_ftnref20" name="_ftn20" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn20;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: DengXian; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Referring to lists issued by the
National Development and Reform Commission restricting the scope of foreign
investment in China.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The lists have been
progressively watered down since first introduced.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
</div><i></i><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-14675651074978095892021-12-17T21:34:00.005-08:002021-12-17T21:34:57.223-08:00Mao’s poem for Wang Hongwen<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhni2H3jyfgaeDwQOmQtNqDf3c-szWa-X1Icf4zV3XS2s2Nbapk2J-TIHyO43s4Z_dfLfNhRDukaYKIfQ8y3dg33JWCvhTOsddGihF_g0kczWRRQJxGqTkSRaT-b3RhAHzMC9GAZ0_QublNZfYU-Nhzc9vQ8s-LFxDAahEWwaWlHWLTt1IEcA=s220" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="220" data-original-width="220" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhni2H3jyfgaeDwQOmQtNqDf3c-szWa-X1Icf4zV3XS2s2Nbapk2J-TIHyO43s4Z_dfLfNhRDukaYKIfQ8y3dg33JWCvhTOsddGihF_g0kczWRRQJxGqTkSRaT-b3RhAHzMC9GAZ0_QublNZfYU-Nhzc9vQ8s-LFxDAahEWwaWlHWLTt1IEcA=w400-h400" width="400" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><i><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(Translator’s
preface: This poem is not widely
available in China, for reasons that will be obvious on reading it. Nor do I know of any English translation. I
have included the Chinese original in the hope that someone more conversant in
Chinese than me might put a better translation in the Comments box below. I
have added a few footnotes. The poem appears to express Mao’s confidence that
the people will follow the socialist path and that the heavy tasks he sees
before the revolutionary forces can be entrusted to comrades like Wang Hongwen,
a relatively youthful member of the leadership. Having come from the ranks of
the PLA and the working class, Wang Hongwen was only 37-years old when he was elected
Party vice-Chairman at the 10<sup>th</sup> National Party Congress in
1973. In his report to that Congress on
the revision of the Party Constitution, Wang stressed the revolutionary
principle of “going against the tide”, and had this expression of Mao’s written
into the Constitution. When the capitalist-roaders seized power after Mao’s
death in 1976, Wang Hongwen and three other members of the Gang of Four were
seized by the military and placed under arrest. He was sentenced to life
imprisonment in 1981 as the Dengists took their revenge, and died in 1992.) <o:p></o:p></span></span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Presented to Comrade Hongwen August 1974<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Zhongnanhai is green and moist. Deep in its midst I am not
alone. Hundreds of millions of people are going against the tide. They are all
my soldiers.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Today we are at the beginning<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.
The 800 million people are happy to see the militia become a new army<a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>. Only to the long-standing love of fish and
water<a href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
can the heavy mission be entrusted<a href="#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">.........................</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">浪淘沙</span><span lang="ZH-CN"> </span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">赠洪文同志</span>
1974<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">年</span>8<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">月</span> <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">分类:</span><span lang="ZH-CN"> </span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">毛主席</span><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: DengXian; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">中南海色青,碧碧盈盈。深居其间非一人。民众亿万反潮流,皆是我兵。</span><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: DengXian;">今日从头行。八亿群众,喜见民兵成新军。唯有经久</span><a name="_Hlk90734929" style="font-family: DengXian;">鱼水情</a><span style="font-family: DengXian;">,堪托重命。</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></b></p>
<div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">In March 1949, on the eve of
nation-wide victory, Mao wrote: “To win countrywide victory is only the first step
in a long march of ten thousand li.... The Chinese revolution is great, but the
road after the revolution will be longer, the work greater and more arduous.
This must be made clear now in the Party. The comrades must be helped to remain
modest, prudent and free from arrogance and rashness in their style of work.
The comrades must be helped to preserve the style of plain living and hard
struggle.”<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">In 1971, suspecting that Lin Biao
was plotting against him and might use use the army, Mao said he did not think
the army would go against him, but if it did, he would go back to Jinggangshan
and start another guerrilla war. (This is where Mao had launched his war
against Chiang-Kai Shek in 1927).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Mao uses the expression <span lang="ZH-CN">鱼水情</span>,
which means that fish cannot be separated from water, and water cannot be
separated from fish. The deep friendship between fish and water is used to
describe the close relationship and deep affection between the armed revolutionaries
and the people. It is a metaphor that he had used to describe the conduct of
people’s war.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">As the end of his life approached,
Mao’s determination to ensure that there were trusted successors to the
revolutionary cause became a major focus of his deliberations. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
</div></div><p><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-27506566779745838582021-12-15T23:22:00.036-08:002021-12-27T17:22:19.403-08:00Where is the people's victory today? The road is full of upstarts and eyes are full of decay<p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhKcd44jL9tyvFc0LZoisKFu3zjLPTqFkv0NTErp0ujrEAy2KCx3W0KdZpXweAvVWsH3bb1425G9Yb2hBJwjhanRy9XhAabCX0QXhxDHryhZBeBV5ABYEYA_HGXvr5dliAvOMBrqpERiNtYY6Aex5o_ivoTx0k9ya2qvxYS9ImRj1XnNGlbbw=s598" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="419" data-original-width="598" height="448" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhKcd44jL9tyvFc0LZoisKFu3zjLPTqFkv0NTErp0ujrEAy2KCx3W0KdZpXweAvVWsH3bb1425G9Yb2hBJwjhanRy9XhAabCX0QXhxDHryhZBeBV5ABYEYA_HGXvr5dliAvOMBrqpERiNtYY6Aex5o_ivoTx0k9ya2qvxYS9ImRj1XnNGlbbw=w640-h448" width="640" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><br /><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="text-align: left;">Author: </span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="text-align: left;">禹賀之声</span><span style="text-align: left;">
Date</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="text-align: left;">:</span><span style="text-align: left;">2018-11-13
08:41:40 Source</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="text-align: left;">:民族复兴网</span></span></div><p></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(<i>Translator’s preface: the title of this article from
2018 is taken from a poem which is available on the internet in Chinese, but
which may not have been translated into English before. They are the first two
lines of a poem written by Mao in August 1966 in the wake of his posting up a
big-character poster of his own called “Bombard the Headquarters”. Also included is a </i></span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: large;">poem written by Mao in 1975 to Zhou Enlai expressing heartfelt concern for the future of the socialist nation they had founded. </i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i>The </i></span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: large;">author
of this article is rather too pessimistic, in my opinion, for the betrayals of socialism in the Soviet Union and China will provide Communists all over the world
with important lessons with which they may enthusiastically strive for
revolutionary change, and just as enthusiastically undertake the building of
socialism. In the first image, the captions read “the wealthy” – at the top in
yellow and about to collapse the system in their pursuit of the renminbi, the
Chinese yuan; “the middle class” halfway up the pole; and the “common people”
who are left behind at the bottom. The words at the bottom translate into the
title above.)</i></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In July 1921, Chairman Mao and 12 other delegates gathered
in Shanghai to attend the First Congress of the Communist Party of China.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">From having not a single soldier to having more than four
million troops, the Chinese Communist Party had gone through 28 years of blood
and fire. In these 28 years, the Communist Party had sacrificed countless
outstanding members, sacrificed countless outstanding fighters, and countless
comrades had fallen in pools of blood.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal">
</p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao once said, "We are all survivors".<o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhqGz4Z97L410E9W-392R_h0ndg1gJcy2oWaWpZn6U5gns-tPZ2TsHmSr_XKbP9bW17eBFm-CGZ9vxLovYahIEZwAHMNytSy-Km_cklbgqUQo61S_Hkq_c1ApUUmwmskJKZHKjX1-umtaZyPIVy28v-h2jiVV9XBhdPj_mo7G7Fm7PQly3FGQ=s474" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><img border="0" data-original-height="474" data-original-width="397" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhqGz4Z97L410E9W-392R_h0ndg1gJcy2oWaWpZn6U5gns-tPZ2TsHmSr_XKbP9bW17eBFm-CGZ9vxLovYahIEZwAHMNytSy-Km_cklbgqUQo61S_Hkq_c1ApUUmwmskJKZHKjX1-umtaZyPIVy28v-h2jiVV9XBhdPj_mo7G7Fm7PQly3FGQ=w335-h400" width="335" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(The painting above has an inscription which reads "Comrades-in-arms" and a reference to 1926)</span></i></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">But Chairman Mao was often the only one who was clear-headed.
<o:p></o:p></span></p><div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">At a meeting of the Politburo in January, Chairman Mao
pointed out: "Don't let victory overwhelm you". He said "The
greater the victory, the greater the burden, and the easier it is to unite in
times of tension and difficulty. This must be guarded against, and cadres must
be educated, first and foremost by making senior cadres understand that after
the war is over, what really needs to be done will only begin, and then it may
well feel easier to fight the war". At the Second Plenary Session of the
Seventh Central Committee, Chairman Mao foresaw that: "<span style="background: white;">With victory, certain moods may grow
within the Party -- arrogance, the airs of a self-styled hero, inertia and
unwillingness to make progress, love of pleasure and distaste for continued
hard living. With victory, the people will be grateful to us and the
bourgeoisie will come forward to flatter us. It has been proved that the enemy
cannot conquer us by force of arms. However, the flattery of the bourgeoisie
may conquer the weak-willed in our ranks. There may be some Communists, who
were not conquered by enemies with guns and were worthy of the name of heroes
for standing up to these enemies, but who cannot withstand sugar-coated
bullets; they will be defeated by sugar-coated bullets.</span>"<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Still at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central
Committee, Chairman Mao once again admonished the Party: "<span style="background: white;">To win countrywide victory is only the
first step in a long march of ten thousand </span><em style="word-spacing: 0.2em;">li</em>. Even if this step is worthy of pride, it is
comparatively tiny; what will be more worthy of pride is yet to come. After
several decades, the victory of the Chinese people's democratic revolution,
viewed in retrospect, will seem like only a brief prologue to a long drama. A
drama begins with a prologue, but the prologue is not the climax. The Chinese
revolution is great, but the road after the revolution will be longer, the work
greater and more arduous." "<span style="background: white;">The comrades must be taught to remain modest, prudent and
free from arrogance and rashness in their style of work. The comrades must be
taught to preserve the style of plain living and hard struggle.</span>"<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="text-align: left;">On the way to Beiping</span><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="text-align: left;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span></span></a><span style="text-align: left;">,
Chairman Mao and the five secretaries were laughing and joking, and they had a
clear idea of the unsolved problems of Chinese history, which the Chinese
Communist Party would answer with the mentality of "taking a test" in
Beijing</span><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="text-align: left;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span></span></a><span style="text-align: left;">.</span></span></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><b>And they said firmly, "We will never be Li
Zicheng".</b><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;"><b>[3]</b></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh7FbTY8LutTkRwSuRMPEcffrc1SND1gQPHD05OmYjlBATDxiNpAMfciFljmma3yyIIHxxCJBQoVlcVEfY8MthAmuwdHpvmjdEcrtFm8nzeKAEr0AabnhwK2vu4Yt5nCLZsZOJvMLRCl2mk0aCtgJvUc90rC8LrTgO7ourUgZOieqqJZcJlMw=s500" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="384" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh7FbTY8LutTkRwSuRMPEcffrc1SND1gQPHD05OmYjlBATDxiNpAMfciFljmma3yyIIHxxCJBQoVlcVEfY8MthAmuwdHpvmjdEcrtFm8nzeKAEr0AabnhwK2vu4Yt5nCLZsZOJvMLRCl2mk0aCtgJvUc90rC8LrTgO7ourUgZOieqqJZcJlMw=w640-h384" width="640" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">It was natural that Chairman Mao would not be Li Zicheng,
but what about the others?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">When he entered Beijing in March 1949, Liu Shaoqi went to
Tianjin in May and said something about "exploitation has merit".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">There may have been a subjective desire to stabilise order
and increase employment at the time, but as a proletarian party, its ultimate
aim was to eliminate private ownership.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Was there any objective fact that capitalists had increased
employment before liberation?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">If exploitation had been allowed, the Chinese revolution
would have been totally unnecessary.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Certainly, allowing exploitation would have enabled some
people to get rich first.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">If exploitation was allowed, what was the original intention
of the revolutionaries?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Was it to bring down the old exploiters and become the new
exploiters themselves?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To bring down the old bureaucrats and become new bureaucrats
themselves?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">To bring down the old warlords and become new warlords themselves?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">But what about the others?<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">At the beginning of the country, how many meritorious
officials were busy repudiating their wives and marrying again after entering
the city? I can cite several such examples.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">At an enlarged meeting of the military commission, Chairman
Mao said to the generals, "You have led the soldiers for 12 months, can
you not let the soldiers lead you for a month and go down to the company and
eat, live and train with the soldiers?"<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The generals had no choice, but to go ahead!<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In 1958, when Chairman Mao visited Anhui, Zeng Xisheng asked
Chairman Mao how to improve the efficiency of the authorities, and Chairman Mao
said, "One third of the authorities should stay on the line, and the rest
should go to the workshops and the countryside to investigate and participate
in production work.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In 1974, Chairman Mao heard from the staff around him that
Premier Zhou had more than forty secretaries. Chairman Mao later politely told
Premier Zhou not to let his secretaries lead him by the nose, but to do his own
work, and that he must write his own scripts.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Premier Zhou went back and sacked the forty and kept four
more.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The beloved Premier Zhou also intentionally forgot his
original intention!<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">According to Qi Benyu's recollection, few senior Party
cadres talked about communism, but were keen to talk about playing cards and
drinking; did these people still remember their original intention?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao once said helplessly, "If you don't come
with me, I'll go to find the Red Army."<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">How lonely and sad the old man was!<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The comrades-in-arms felt that the boat had arrived at
Jiangxin and the train had arrived at the station<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
but Chairman Mao also demanded to continue the revolution and to make new
contributions to the people. The glory of the past belongs to history and
cannot be endured.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Only the Red Army has the original intention. Therefore, the
old man made up his mind to go back to Jinggang Mountain.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In his later years, Chairman Mao said to his staff.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">"Who has seriously thought about how many people have
died in building the new China? I have thought about this" "In the
future, will this country, this Party, change its colour in the future and take
the road of socialism or not?" "I have no selfishness, I think of the
suffering of the common people in China, they do want to take the socialist
road, so I rely on the masses and cannot let them go backwards again."
"I don't want that day to come when there will be hired labour and
exploitation, prostitutes and opium smoking on Chinese soil again, in which
case the blood of countless martyrs will have been shed in vain."<o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEig-pHl7Pet0ynYgSzWNIgFgLc7DSkq8nEbkzqOARAHB9ljR-1dXsipbdSZTytMxYplmKvBtKQb6C06kNvsTjhl-sqir4GFvIvSwgMjstNNET4PtI1eFwZYo75GGwqDtjCxFnWiIHQSbot4KROBdgdNOY5s8qh1yx7UBXiSLAnhsPcK2y0KQQ=s399" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><img border="0" data-original-height="399" data-original-width="363" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEig-pHl7Pet0ynYgSzWNIgFgLc7DSkq8nEbkzqOARAHB9ljR-1dXsipbdSZTytMxYplmKvBtKQb6C06kNvsTjhl-sqir4GFvIvSwgMjstNNET4PtI1eFwZYo75GGwqDtjCxFnWiIHQSbot4KROBdgdNOY5s8qh1yx7UBXiSLAnhsPcK2y0KQQ=w582-h640" width="582" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i>(Above: the words in Chinese are those by Mao, beginning with "I don't want the day to come...")</i><br /></span><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao had realised that his comrades could not be
relied on anymore, being big officials with houses, cars, and waiters, and
being more powerful than the capitalists. They would only protect the interests
of the big officials, so he could only rely on the people. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">A look at the sadness of Chairman Mao in his later years<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Bombard the Headquarters<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -0.25in;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">-<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span><!--[endif]--><i>To the tune of seven-character Ju jue<o:p></o:p></i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(August 1966)<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Where is the people's victory today?<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The road is full of upstarts<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
and eyes are full of decay.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The nuclear bomb<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
is placed high on the top of Kunlun<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">[8]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The rottenness is destroyed without regret.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Chairman Mao's original intention is something that the
people only understand today.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(The author then quotes all of Mao’s <i>Where do correct
ideas come from?</i><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>. ) <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></i></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Pouring Out Heartfelt Emotions<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">When I was a loyal soldier for my country <o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Were we ever afraid of losing our heads?<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Now the world is red.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Who will defend the kingdom?<o:p></o:p></span></i><b><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 19.26px;">[10]</span></b></span></span></a></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">I have not yet finished my work<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">My body is tired.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">And my temples are already autumnal.<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">[11]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">You and I,<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Can we bear to give up our long-cherished wish<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">As it flows to the east?<a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">[12]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">…………………….<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">Before 1949, Beijng (“Northern
capital”) was known as Beiping (“Northern Peace”) <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> When
Mao left Xibaipo for Beijing, he stepped into the jeep and excitedly said to
Zhou Enlai, “Today we’re going to Beijing for the civil service exam. We can’t
be like Li Zicheng!” He was referring to the tests that the Party would be
subjected to as it began the task of governing China.<span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="font-family: arial; font-size: large;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: large;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: arial; font-size: large;">Li Zicheng headed a rebel army
</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: large;">the army which overthrew the Ming Dynasty. After Li Zicheng entered
Beijing, he was appointed Prime Minister and used the position to gain personal
power, appointing all his friends and relatives as officials. The would-be emperor failed to keep power because he
and his colleagues alienated the masses by adopting an aristocratic lifestyle.
His rule lasted less than a year.</span></p></div><div id="ftn3">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></span><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="font-family: arial; font-size: large;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: large;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: arial; font-size: large;">This phrase is a succinct seven-character
expression in Chinese, and is a metaphor for it being time to relax one’s
efforts – the boat has arrived at the docks and the bus or train is at the
station. The big tasks have been finally completed, and everyone now can relax
and have fun.</span></p></div>
<div id="ftn5">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> I
am not sure whether this poem has been made available in English before. The
title refers to the big-character poster Mao wrote on August 5. This is my
translation of the poem. Here is the Chinese original if anyone can improve on
my efforts:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">七绝。炮打司令部</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">(</span>1966<span lang="ZH-CN">年</span>8<span lang="ZH-CN">月)</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">人民胜利今何在?</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">满路新贵满目衰。</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">核弹高置昆仑巅,</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">摧尽腐朽释怀。</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The Chinese original is “xingui” referring to a person who in feudal times had
recently become a high official, a new nobleman.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn7">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
China’s first nuclear test explosion occurred on 16 October 1964. The nuclear
bomb may here be a metaphor for the destructive power of the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution which aimed at sweeping away the “four olds” – old ideas,
old habits, old culture and old customs.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn8">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Kunlun Shan is a mountain or mountain range in Chinese mythology. According to
myth, Kunlun was the dwelling place of
various gods and goddesses (eg the Queen Mother of the West) where fabled
plants and mythical creatures may also be found. Many important events in
Chinese mythology were based around Kunlun. Mao wrote a poem, <i>Kunlun, </i>in
1935.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn9">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">See: </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-9/mswv9_01.htm">Where
Do Correct Ideas Come From? (marxists.org)</a><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn10">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">Mao uses the Chinese
expression </span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: #090909;">江山 </span><span style="color: #090909; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">(jiangshan),
meaning rivers and mountains, which refers to the territory or power of a
country.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn11">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">The reference to autumnal temples
appears first in the Song Dynasty poet Lu You’s works and means that he has
aged and his hair is turning white.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn12">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="file:///E:/My%20Documents/Vgd/China/2021/Where%20is%20the%20peoples%20victory%20ENG.docx#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">“Flowing to the east” is from
another Song Dynasty poet, and is a metaphor for the loss of hope, the loss of
achievement and the abandonment of previous work.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
</div></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal">
</p><div><br /><div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span lang="EN-US"> </span></p>
</div>
</div><p><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-42762533528206775002021-12-15T15:30:00.014-08:002021-12-15T20:45:33.970-08:00Qian Changming: "Distribution by labour" or "distribution by capital"? A talk about "polarisation".<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjTD8kIw_XQ-nhF1foXtR8U-9zoo0LIqxlV82G82lWR9TA1s0fg57iLB6K0IU2jjj3l5Zkjbh1wolnL0n3iBhz5qBDhSeywUsGquglM5lblQyJQbXXq2Hbp2sJjBB46NRW05vA2c9OodDiFW8ao-7fB5k4JAYWrX_VRZNnIm142di2WbaujZA=s350" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="350" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjTD8kIw_XQ-nhF1foXtR8U-9zoo0LIqxlV82G82lWR9TA1s0fg57iLB6K0IU2jjj3l5Zkjbh1wolnL0n3iBhz5qBDhSeywUsGquglM5lblQyJQbXXq2Hbp2sJjBB46NRW05vA2c9OodDiFW8ao-7fB5k4JAYWrX_VRZNnIm142di2WbaujZA=w640-h640" width="640" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-outline-level: 1;"><i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Microsoft YaHei"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Translator’s
preface: The contemporary Chinese left treads a wary path. The capitalist-roaders do not allow free
expression of Marxist-Leninist views, so websites that the left can access do
not generally speak openly of China’s restoration of capitalism, but post all of Xi
Jinping’s speeches, and refer to China as a socialist country. However, between the lines a different story
emerges. For example, Deng Xiaoping is quoted as saying that if there is polarisation,
the capitalist-roaders will have failed. This article describes that polarisation,
so what is the implication behind the reference to Deng’s quote? The final
sentence holds the key to the author’s views.)<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-outline-level: 1;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #5a5a5a; font-family: arial;">Qian Changming</span><span style="color: #525252; font-family: arial;"> </span><span style="color: #5a5a5a; font-family: arial;">2021-12-09</span><span style="color: #525252; font-family: arial;"> </span><span style="color: #5a5a5a; font-family: arial;">source:</span><span style="color: #525252; font-family: arial;"> kunluntze institute</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">If the private economy is
allowed to expand wildly without limits, if the hegemony of capital through "distribution
according to capital" is allowed to run amok, how can polarization not
occur? How can a new bourgeoisie not emerge?</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial;">A few days ago, I came across a
set of figures that were surprising.</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">In 1978, China's GDP was
US$268.3 billion, equivalent to RMB362.41 billion, ranking 15th in the world;
by 2020, China's GDP will have reached RMB101.60 trillion, or about US$15.58
trillion, ranking second in the world. It is logical that the income of Chinese
people should be generally improved and common prosperity achieved. But the
reality is that China's Gini coefficient has increased from 0.18 in 1978 to
0.474 (0.61 according to the Southwest Finance and Economics Study), and the
gap between the rich and the poor is widening.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial;"> A</span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial;">ccording to Premier Li, 600
million people in China currently earn less than 1,000 yuan a month! Obviously,
nearly half of these Chinese are naturally not considered "rich";
more are still associated with "poverty". On the other hand, it is
true that China has the highest number of billionaires in the world! According
to the Hurun 2021 Global Rich List, there are now 1,058 entrepreneurs with more
than US$1 billion in China, surpassing the 696 in the US. The richest man in
the world, Zhong Shanshan, owner of the Nongfu Spring water bottling plant, has
a personal fortune of RMB 550 billion!</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><b><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Why is there a polarisation
between rich and poor?</span></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Socialism is about
"distribution according to labour" and follows the path of common
prosperity, which cannot lead to polarisation between the rich and the poor
(Deng Xiaoping also said in his southern talk that if our policies lead to
polarisation, we have failed; if we create any new bourgeoisie, then we have
really taken the evil road); capitalism is about distribution according to
capital. The rich get richer by virtue of their capital (money generates money)
and the poor get poorer without capital, the result is inevitably polarisation.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">China is a socialist country,
but how can such a huge polarisation occur? The answer is: the unrestricted
implementation of a mixed economy with "multiple ownership" and a
distribution system with "multiple modes of distribution".</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The introduction of a mixed
economy in socialist countries at a certain time is due to historical reasons.
For example, in 1949 the Chinese revolution triumphed, the new democratic
revolution ended victoriously and the socialist revolution began. History
entered this phase, - also known as the transitional period. At that time the
socialist public economy developed, and the original capitalist private economy
still had to exist (in order to ensure social stability and the healthy
functioning of the economy as a whole), which inevitably led to the formation
of a mixed economy. Since a socialist country wants to follow the path of
socialism, it must adopt the policy of "vigorously developing the public
economy and using, limiting and transforming the private economy". It was
this correct economic policy that finally allowed the capitalist private
economy to be peacefully transformed into a socialist public economy in 1956
through the "public-private partnership" of redemption (avoiding the
forced dispossession of Soviet Russia). This was the triumph of Mao Zedong's thought.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The socialist revolution was a
long time coming. Since the reform and opening up, the private economy has been
reopened in order to stimulate individual initiative. The current Constitution,
as amended, states:</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span></span><i style="font-family: arial;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">"At the primary stage of
socialism, the basic economic system in which the public ownership system is
the mainstay and a variety of ownership economies develop together, and the
distribution system in which distribution according to labour is the mainstay
and a variety of distribution methods co-exist".</span></i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Under the original conditions of
the domination of the public sector economy, the "common development"
of the private sector economy was allowed, which inevitably led to the
formation of a mixed economy again.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><i style="font-family: arial;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">"A 'mixed economy' is a
dynamic economic system in a transitional form, which can develop in two
directions</span></i><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial;">:
either as a socialist economy or as a capitalist economy. The key is the policy
direction of the state. If a policy of "protecting the development of the
public economy and using, restricting and transforming the private
economy" is adopted, then it can develop into a socialist economy;
conversely, if the policy fails to protect the public economy and allows the
private economy to develop unrestrictedly, the result is bound to be capitalism.</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><i style="font-family: arial;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Marxism holds that the nature of
ownership of an economy determines the principle of distribution.</span></i><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial;"> A publicly owned economy is
necessarily distributed according to labour; a privately owned economy can only
be distributed according to capital. The result of the development of
distribution according to labour is common prosperity, while the result of the
development of distribution according to capital must be polarisation.</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Take the United States, which is
undoubtedly the most developed capitalist country in the world today, with an
annual GDP of nearly US$21 trillion, a total population of 330 million and a
GDP per capita of US$63,600 (RMB 405,100). It can be said to be so rich that
everyone can live a good life. However, because capitalism is based on capital
and is so polarised, apart from a few rich people, more than 40 million people
live on government food stamps every day; 800,000 people are living on the
streets and homeless; and now, during the epidemic, 28 million people in the
United States cannot afford to pay their rent and could be evicted by their
landlords at any time if not for the government's ban. This means that
capitalism, as developed as it is, is inevitably polarised: the few get rich
and wealthy; the many suffer from poverty.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Today, under the pretext that
the country is still at the "primary stage of socialism" and allows
"the joint development of a variety of ownership economies", some
people are developing the private economy without restriction. On the pretext
that the "primary stage of socialism" allows "a system of
distribution in which multiple modes of distribution co-exist", the
principle of "distribution according to labour as the mainstay" has
been fundamentally abandoned, and capital has been allowed to hegemonize the
"distribution according to capital".</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><i style="font-family: arial;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">If the private economy is
allowed to expand wildly and unrestrictedly, if the hegemony of capital is
allowed to act unchecked, how can polarisation not occur?</span></i><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial;"> How can a new bourgeoisie not
emerge? If this continues, China's mixed economy will inevitably slide into
capitalism, the socialist state will deteriorate, and the fears of Chairman
Mao's lifetime will arise.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgwfakHbB2EfqqlHQqxGA9fjEJoi-LGWxorZzgXtbqp0Xuk3aY7ST9RaFs3pt1IUN0LnJlufQ5WTy0xUj_T6QqFTkF2Qi3GiBgkL8aNmhf8Sosw2UJgLmqNSDYMEBw7PJRem6aY/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><img alt="" data-original-height="639" data-original-width="581" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgwfakHbB2EfqqlHQqxGA9fjEJoi-LGWxorZzgXtbqp0Xuk3aY7ST9RaFs3pt1IUN0LnJlufQ5WTy0xUj_T6QqFTkF2Qi3GiBgkL8aNmhf8Sosw2UJgLmqNSDYMEBw7PJRem6aY/w363-h400/image.png" width="363" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /><br /></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><i style="font-family: arial;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">"I don't want the day to
come when there will be more exploitation of people in China, new capitalists,
entrepreneurs, workers, prostitutes and opium smokers; if that happens, the
blood of many martyrs will have been shed in vain...".</span></i><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial;"> (Mao Zedong, Central Literature Publishing
House: A Biography of Mao Zedong)</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The only way to avoid this sad
phenomenon is to adopt a policy of "using, restricting and transforming
the private economy" during the mixed economy stage, relying on the power
held by the Communist Party.</span></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The uncontrolled expansion of
the private economy (including foreign investment) must not be tolerated any
longer!</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; tab-stops: 194.3pt;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">……………….<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><a href="http://www.wyzxwk.com/Article/jingji/2021/12/446215.html"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">钱昌明:</span>“<span lang="ZH-CN">按劳分配</span>”<span lang="ZH-CN">还是</span>“<span lang="ZH-CN">按资分配</span>”<span lang="ZH-CN">?</span>——<span lang="ZH-CN">谈谈</span>“<span lang="ZH-CN">两极分化</span>”<span lang="ZH-CN">问题</span> - <span lang="ZH-CN">乌有之乡</span>
(wyzxwk.com)</span></a></span></div><p><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-81250131122940904342021-12-14T22:17:00.002-08:002021-12-14T22:17:08.527-08:00Mao’s poem on the reading of the Dream of the Red Chamber<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh3Vn4xbnsiiLxWwtQN6iVY1E-7CTgvr1KjqXcZa2sLYeacn60KxBxE6LGwWpCX8_Xsqj1G02EwPgMSiymP0RylaaMFBGhNIVdbSPrjqHByP-5rI1E4PFWX1dj4zppuYqExW0Kj8i1k03rDnDrIJkWYQtU-xLvCpR1ibz63kktgJaUd7KJDHw=s600" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="600" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh3Vn4xbnsiiLxWwtQN6iVY1E-7CTgvr1KjqXcZa2sLYeacn60KxBxE6LGwWpCX8_Xsqj1G02EwPgMSiymP0RylaaMFBGhNIVdbSPrjqHByP-5rI1E4PFWX1dj4zppuYqExW0Kj8i1k03rDnDrIJkWYQtU-xLvCpR1ibz63kktgJaUd7KJDHw=w640-h426" width="640" /></a></div><br /><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 1.2pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #333333; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(Translator’s introduction: </span></i><i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hongloumeng, or A Dream of the
Red Chamber, is probably the best and most famous novel from China’s long
feudal era. It describes a love affair conducted in defiance of Confucian
values, set against the decline of a group of noble families.</span></i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 1.2pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Its main protagonists are Jia Baoyu, the heir to the declining
Jia family, and Lin Daiyu, a strong-willed younger cousin. Baoyu defies his
father’s instructions to prepare for the imperial examinations, and instead
seeks the company of his female maids and cousins with whom he writes poetry.
He rejects the feudal view that women are inferior to men, and that servants
are inferior to masters. Daiyu has the same world-view, so their relationship
is seen as a rebellion against feudalism and is prohibited by Baoyu’s father,
who tricks him into marrying another cousin, the conservative Xue Baochai. When
Daiyu hears about this she dies of loneliness and grief. Hearing of this, Baoyu
rushes to find her and falls unconscious himself. Baochai revives him,
but on the pretext of going to sit the examinations, he disappears and is never
heard from again, although a rumour surfaces of him having become a monk.</span></i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 1.2pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">For many years, the study of Hongloumeng was dominated by the
bourgeois scholars around Hu Shih. Their views were challenged in the early 50s
by two “nobodies”. Mao took their side against the “big-shots” in his letter
concerning the study of the Dream of the Red Chamber<a name="_ftnref1"></a><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2021/12/maos-poem-on-reading-of-dream-of-red.html#_ftn1"><b><span style="color: black; text-decoration-line: none;">[1]</span></b></a>.</span></i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 1.2pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">As late as December 1970, he was telling Wang Hairong, the
granddaughter of Mao’s elder cousin Wang Jifan, that “Hongloumeng is worth
reading. It is a good book. We should read it not for its story but as history.
It is a historical novel... If you don’t read Honglomeng, how could you know
about feudal society?”<a name="_ftnref2"></a><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2021/12/maos-poem-on-reading-of-dream-of-red.html#_ftn2"><b><span style="color: black; text-decoration-line: none;">[2]</span></b></a> </span></i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 1.2pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In the context of the growing dispute between Mao and Lin Biao
in 1971, Mao’s sympathies with those who rejected feudal values were in
contrast to Lin Biao’s feudal nonsense of eulogising Mao to the skies, and
hiding his own career aspirations behind obsequious praise of Mao’s “genius”,
of his every word being worth ten thousand of other people’s, of his promoting
blind obedience by carrying out orders that were not understood, and by his
wanting to “restore the rites”.</span></i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 1.2pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><span style="color: #202122; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In case any native speaker of Chinese comes across this
translation, I have included the Chinese original which itself is not widely
available in China. It has not, as far as I can tell, been published there in
any collection of Mao’s poems. If someone proficient in Chinese can
improve on my translation, please use the Comments box below to do so. I have
also added footnotes as background to my translation.)</span></i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 1.2pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #202122; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">……………….</span><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><b><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Reading The Dream of the Red Chamber</span></b><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">- </span></i><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">-
to the tune of Seven-Character <i>Jue Ju</i><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(1971)<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The
masterpiece of the Red Chamber has been passed down through the ages.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The
story is a reflection of feudalism and the rejection of kings and princes.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Since
ancient times, many loyal subjects have rebellious sons.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Only
Bao Dai<a name="_ftnref3"></a><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2021/12/maos-poem-on-reading-of-dream-of-red.html#_ftn3"><span style="color: #5588aa; text-decoration-line: none;">[3]</span></a> has entered the divine state<a name="_ftnref4"></a><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2021/12/maos-poem-on-reading-of-dream-of-red.html#_ftn4"><span style="color: #5588aa; text-decoration-line: none;">[4]</span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">………………………..<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: #333333;">七绝。读《红楼梦》</span><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: #333333;">(</span><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">1971</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: #333333;">年)</span><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: #333333;">杰作红楼传万古,</span><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: #333333;">影映封建斥王侯。</span><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: #333333;">自古忠臣多逆子,</span><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: #333333;">唯有宝黛入神州。</span><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 19.2pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">…………………………..<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a name="_ftn1"></a><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2021/12/maos-poem-on-reading-of-dream-of-red.html#_ftnref1"><span style="color: #5588aa; text-decoration-line: none;">[1]</span></a><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-5/mswv5_39.htm"><span style="color: #5588aa;">LETTER CONCERNING THE STUDY OF THE DREAM OF THE RED
CHAMBER (marxists.org)</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a name="_ftn2"></a><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2021/12/maos-poem-on-reading-of-dream-of-red.html#_ftnref2"><span style="color: #5588aa; text-decoration-line: none;">[2]</span></a><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-9/mswv9_87.htm"><span style="color: #5588aa;">Conversations With Wang Hai-jung (marxists.org)</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a name="_ftn3"></a><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2021/12/maos-poem-on-reading-of-dream-of-red.html#_ftnref3"><span style="color: #5588aa; text-decoration-line: none;">[3]</span></a><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #333333; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Close
associates are sometimes referred to by combining their names as though they
were a single person. For example, during the pre-Liberation struggles of the
Red Army and the PLA, Zhu De and Mao Zedong were often referred to by their
followers as “ZhuMao”, whereas Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping after Liberation
were often referred to as “LiuDeng”. The two lovers Jia Baoyu and Lin Daiyu are
referred to here by Mao as “Bao Dai”.</span><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a name="_ftn4"></a><a href="https://mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com/2021/12/maos-poem-on-reading-of-dream-of-red.html#_ftnref4"><span style="color: #5588aa; text-decoration-line: none;">[4]</span></a><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #333333; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
Chinese expression for “divine state” is “Shenzhou”. Shenzhou, or “Chixian
Shenzhou” was one of the ancient names for China and first used during the
Warring States period (475-403 BC). (Shenzhou is also the name given to today’s
Chinese spacecraft.) I think Mao’s meaning here is that as </span><span style="color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">rebels of a feudal aristocratic
family, opposed to Confucian ethics, and despising rank and wealth, Jia Baoyu
and Lin Daiyu have earned a unique place in the history and culture of
China. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p><br /></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-26846201553346553632021-12-13T20:35:00.003-08:002021-12-13T20:35:18.013-08:00Mao adapts Du Fu's poem to scorn Lin Biao<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg0PXN8zdLSyN6ppephOlEPw5yYn3wBFW9fZ2j_p1oKt-JgnlEO6a5w8wY5l_WmgWRfbKDke_Oh5FP-7gITfhS8RhigecKM6ji-5OwXRMfFvV6S9rXNvxzE6sHaDRBiq3ksfLBqwWjyCJHUgeFwBufwxoQOqBUzmDCKr2DVw7b8PdDwLcHOBg=s1098" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="732" data-original-width="1098" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg0PXN8zdLSyN6ppephOlEPw5yYn3wBFW9fZ2j_p1oKt-JgnlEO6a5w8wY5l_WmgWRfbKDke_Oh5FP-7gITfhS8RhigecKM6ji-5OwXRMfFvV6S9rXNvxzE6sHaDRBiq3ksfLBqwWjyCJHUgeFwBufwxoQOqBUzmDCKr2DVw7b8PdDwLcHOBg=w640-h426" width="640" /></a></div><div style="font-style: italic; text-align: center;"><i>(Above: the remains of Lin Biao's jet in the Mongolian desert.)</i></div><div style="font-style: italic; text-align: center;"><i><br /></i></div><div style="text-align: left;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i>(“Translator’s” preface: Wang Zhaojun, or the Palace Maid
Ming, was a beauty of the Western Han Dynasty (206 BC to 8 AD). She was sent by
the Emperor to marry the chieftain of the Xiongnu, a nomadic tribe whose lands
incorporated present-day Mongolia, to establish peaceful relations between the
Han and the Xiongnu.</i><span style="font-style: italic;"> </span><i style="font-style: italic;">On her way there
she composed mournful tunes on her pipa</i><i>, and a flock of geese flying
overhead were so struck by the tragic scene and sound that they stopped flying and
crashed to the ground. Many poets have written about her, and Mao was obviously
familiar with the famous Tang Dynasty poet Du Fu’s efforts. The parallels with
Lin Biao’s flight to the Soviet Union, and his plane crashing over Mongolia's Gobi Desert, were a gift to Mao, who only had to substitute Lin’s name for the Palace Maid’s
to have a playfully contemptuous poem on Lin Biao’s demise. I am not really the
translator – Du Fu’s poem was done by Wu Juntao and included in </i>300 Tang
Poems: A New Translation<i style="font-style: italic;">, </i><i>published in China in 1988.)</i></span><i><o:p></o:p></i></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i>.....................</i></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><b>A seven-character poem. A Playful Adaptation of Du Fu's
'Aria and Antiquities', Part III</b><o:p></o:p></span></p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><i></i></span></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(1971)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Mountains and valleys downwards to the Jingmen roll.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The village of Lin Biao is still there on the knoll.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">When he left the Purple Palace, before him the deserts
spread.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal">
</p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">And now only an evergreen tomb crouches in the gloom ahead.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">...............................</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">七言诗。戏改杜甫《咏怀古迹》其三</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">1971</span><span lang="ZH-CN">年)</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">群山万壑荆门,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">生长林彪向有村。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">一去紫台连朔漠,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ZH-CN"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">独留青冢向黄昏。</span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><br /><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34598853.post-1737043111823519322021-12-13T17:33:00.000-08:002021-12-13T17:33:24.618-08:00A poem by Mao on Lin Biao’s treachery<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg3ovyv01NdxOZHv2sKDP_UnUIjKfZoLaAVp5XmLfGkaQ6XdddM0LTJWfh2g9-Dw4QIDulpyAJDNx33KvwbyMeePLLcmCux1jUDTP6vmVY3JtRlF08jg9MqPGRMi5lYeApzcaZu/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="324" data-original-width="469" height="276" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg3ovyv01NdxOZHv2sKDP_UnUIjKfZoLaAVp5XmLfGkaQ6XdddM0LTJWfh2g9-Dw4QIDulpyAJDNx33KvwbyMeePLLcmCux1jUDTP6vmVY3JtRlF08jg9MqPGRMi5lYeApzcaZu/w400-h276/image.png" width="400" /></a></div><i><p><i><br /></i></p>Lin Biao was</i> <i>selected as Mao's successor.....</i><p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjrhHqLkp2ybyysZLCm5WiYMQfOk8KW2PT08YMRrii2M2s5_DEfTYs56pAhwqcLQ15pQFZj0I1igiRGIYuigbbailJXPkj-qp74mEFVptkkaSRtjAXuJ45EED2Epf0O9euWNJQVEf1NLlWPDlRhf6sZhksf3Vx0XnF3GnyXkiEsYshD-DCbDg=s850" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="850" height="189" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjrhHqLkp2ybyysZLCm5WiYMQfOk8KW2PT08YMRrii2M2s5_DEfTYs56pAhwqcLQ15pQFZj0I1igiRGIYuigbbailJXPkj-qp74mEFVptkkaSRtjAXuJ45EED2Epf0O9euWNJQVEf1NLlWPDlRhf6sZhksf3Vx0XnF3GnyXkiEsYshD-DCbDg=w400-h189" width="400" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">....<i>but hid his ambitions behind a metaphysical screen of praise for Mao. Mao Zedong criticised and ridiculed this statement by Lin.</i></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><i><br /></i></div><p></p><h3 style="text-align: left;"><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium; font-weight: normal;">(Translator’s preface: Chinese poetry written in traditional
forms often takes short-cuts with grammar and sentence constructions. It is therefore difficult to translate, and
at the risk of embarrassing myself, I have attempted a translation of this poem,
written by Mao Zedong in 1971 after the discovery of Lin Biao’s attempted
assassination of Mao and coup. Here Mao uses a seven character per line
structure that he had previously only used twice, in 1961 (Inscription on a
Photograph of Militia Women, and The Immortal’s Cave. In case any
native speaker of Chinese comes across this translation, I have included the
Chinese original which itself is not widely available in China. It has not, as
far as I can tell, been published there in any collection of Mao’s poems. If someone proficient in Chinese can improve
on my translation, please use the Comments box below to do so. I have also
added footnotes as background to my translation.)</span></i></h3><div><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium; font-weight: normal;">.................</span></i></div><div><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><b>A Play on Li Panlong's 'Huai Mingqing'</b><a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">- to the tune of Seven-Character <i>Jue Ju<o:p></o:p></i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">(1971)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Looking west at the colourful clouds<a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
in Yuzhang<a href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The nine rivers<a href="#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
and nine mountains<a href="#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">There is no need to look into the stone mirror when lying
high<a href="#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">The autumn breeze<a href="#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
is angry at the traitor's face.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">……………….<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">七绝。戏改李盘龙《怀明卿》</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">(</span>1971<span lang="ZH-CN">年)</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">豫章西望彩云间,</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">九派长江九叠山,</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">高卧不须窥石镜,</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><span lang="ZH-CN">秋风怒在叛徒颜。</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></p>
<div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Li
Panlong (1514-1570) was a native of Licheng (now Jinan) in Shandong. He was
called Cangming. He was a scholar in the 23rd year of Jiajing (1544). He took
over from Li Mengyin, He Jingming and the other "former seven sons"
and advocated the restoration of the ancient times, and established a group of
collaborators called the “later seven sons” to pursue restorationist activity.
One of the reasons for the campaign to criticise Lin Biao being at the same
time a campaign to criticise Confucius was the discovery among Lin Biao’s
personal effects of references to “restoring the rites” of Confucianism. Mao
equated Lin Biao with Li Panlong in this poem.<span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> The
three-character phrase used by Mao to refer to the clouds also appears in the
poem Early Departure from Baihuang City by the Tang Dynasty poet Li Bai.<span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Yuzhang
was the name of an ancient administrative division where the Jiangxi Province
capital Nanchang is located. Today Nanchang is celebrated as the site of the
August 1 Uprising credited as marking the beginnings of the PLA. Mao probably
visited Nanchang on his 1971 southern inspection tour, which was when Lin Biao
planned to have him assassinated.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> The
Changjiang (Yangtze River) has nine main tributaries. Collectively they suggest
the vastness of Chinese territory. Mao had opened his 1927 poem Yellow Crane
Tower with the line “Wide, wide flow the nine streams through the land”.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn5">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> The
“nine mountains” refers to the nine main peaks of Mt Lu (Lushan), an area which
is close to Nanchang and Jiujiang (“nine rivers”). It complements the reference
to “nine rivers” in suggesting the vastness and majesty of China. Lushan was
also the site of three major Party Conference, in 1959, when Peng Dehuai was
purged, 1961, and 1970 when there were increasing signs of a rift between Mao
and Lin Biao. [See: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-9/mswv9_88.htm">Talks
With Responsible Comrades At Various Places During Provincial Tour
(marxists.org)</a> ]<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> This
line is directed at Lin Biao. The “stone mirror” refers to a round stone in the
east of Lushan, smooth as a mirror, that is said to be able to illuminate the
human shadow. Li Bai's 'Ballad of Mount Lushan for Imperial Servant Lu Xuzhou' reads:
'At leisure, I peer into the stone mirror to clear my mind”. “Lying high”
refers to sleeping on a high pillow, to sleeping leisurely; it is also a
metaphor for someone who keeps to himself. Mao Zedong is saying here that Lin
Biao should not have to peer into the stone mirror because his plot to usurp
the leadership of the Party and the country at the Lushan meeting has been
exposed. He should no longer pretend to be aloof and above plotting to achieve
his ambitions.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn7">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><a href="#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span lang="EN-US">Often used in poetry for a variety
of purposes; suggestions of helplessness and desolation are common.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
</div></div><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"></div><p><br /><i><br /></i></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0