Break down the ideology of bourgeois right in the field
of distribution
[Author] Writing Group of Jinan Workers' Amateur Political
School
[Issue No.] 197502
[Total Issues] 113
[Page No.] 17
(Translator’s preface: Marx and Engels foresaw that capitalism
could not immediately be replaced by the classless and state-free society of
Communism. Between the two would be a transitional period which they called
socialism, characterised by the continued existence of classes and class
struggle, but with state power vested in the working class in the form of proletarian
dictatorship. They also foresaw that in the immediate aftermath of capitalism,
there would be a number of old ways of doing things that could not be immediately
jettisoned. There would be a wages system, for example, and people would be
paid according to the value of their work. “From each according to their
ability, to each according to their work” was the slogan that summarised this
phenomenon. Eventually it would be succeeded by the communist principle of “From
each according to their ability, to each according to their need.” A higher social value system, and an
abundance of goods would see the need for a wages system disappear.
Marx called these hangovers from the past “bourgeois
right”. It is a characteristic of socialist societies that bourgeois right must
be identified and restricted, and not justified and expanded. The expansion of
bourgeois right will always be favoured by capitalist-roaders within the Party
ad its leadership. Lacking confidence in the enthusiasm and capabilities of the
people, these capitalist-roaders will always favour material incentives and rewards
in order to speed up production. Having overthrown the old capitalist class,
they create conditions for the emergence of a new capitalist class with
themselves as its members, protectors and defenders.
Every Communist and every Communist Party yet to win
state power, without exception, must strive to understand the phenomenon of bourgeois
right, its inevitable carryover from capitalism into socialism, and embed the
necessity for its gradual restriction into the Party Constitution and, when it
is created as a result of successful revolutionary struggle, into the
Constitution of the socialist state. It cannot be left to chance, it cannot be
obscured or denied by capitalist-roaders, but must be enshrined institutionally
as an objective of socialist development.
Mao Zedong tried on a number of occasions to raise this issue.
It was one of the main reasons for launching the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution. Zhang Chunqiao understood its importance aand wrote about it as early
as 1958, and later in the Cultural Revolution in his 1975 pamphlet “On
Exercising All-round Dictatorship Over the Bourgeosie”.
There were attempts to make bourgeois right a mass
question, but these were largely suppressed by the capitalist-roaders in the
Party’s leadership. In the article below, also from 1975, workers from Jinan,
Shandong Province articulated their understanding of bourgeois right and the
need to restrict it)
Our country is at an important period of historical
development. The question of how the system of distribution according to labour
should be correctly understood is sharply put before people. Chairman Mao's
recent important instructions on theoretical issues have given a Marxist answer
to this question and pointed out the direction and path for us to continue to
move forward. Studying Chairman Mao's instructions seriously, limiting
bourgeois right and breaking up the ideology of bourgeois right are of great
practical and far-reaching historical significance in consolidating the
dictatorship of the proletariat, preventing the restoration of capitalism,
preventing and opposing revisionism and pushing the socialist revolution forward.
According to Marxism, "any kind of distribution of the
means of consumption is nothing but the result of the distribution of the
conditions of production themselves. The distribution of the conditions of
production, on the other hand, expresses the nature of the mode of production itself."
For thousands of years, in societies ruled by an exploiting class, the few
possessed the means of production and the many were exploited and enslaved. The
country was "much like capitalism before liberation". In old China,
imperialism manipulated China's economic lifeline, and the bureaucratic
capitalist economy and the feudal economy, which were dependent on imperialism,
were the main forms of Chinese social economy. Chairman Mao once pointed out in
his analysis of the nature of China's bureaucratic capitalist economy:
"The four great families of Jiang, Song, Kong and Chen, during the twenty
years they were in power, had concentrated enormous property worth between one
and two million dollars and monopolised the economic lifelines of the country. This
monopoly capital, combined with state power, becomes state monopoly capitalism.
This monopoly capitalism, closely combined with foreign imperialism, the
national landowning class and the old-style rich peasants, became bought and
paid for feudal state monopoly capitalism." The imperialist, feudalist and
bureaucratic capitalist system of ownership of the means of production dictated
what was then necessarily a system of distribution in which man exploited man.
The great leader, Chairman Mao, led the nation through decades of heroic
struggle to overthrow the Three Great Mountains and establish the People's
Republic of China under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Under the guidance
of Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, we eliminated imperialist ownership of
the means of production, confiscated bureaucratic capital, carried out
socialist transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, implemented land
reform, guided the vast number of peasants onto the golden path of socialism,
and gradually established socialist universal ownership and collective
ownership by the working masses. On this basis, we have gradually realised the
socialist principles of "no food for those who do not work" and
"from each according to his ability, to each according to his work".
The system of distribution based on private ownership of the means of
production, in which man exploited man for thousands of years, has been
rejected. Therefore, the establishment of the socialist principle of
distribution is a profound revolution in the distribution system in history.
The implementation of the principle of "from each
according to his ability, to each according to his work" is an unprecedented
equality for our working people, because the realisation of this principle of
distribution means that our working people are given equal access to the means
of production and equal work within the socialist system of universal ownership
and within the collective ownership of the working masses, as well as the right
to receive equal pay according to the quantity and quality of their work. The
right to equal remuneration. It means that the working masses have become the
masters of the country, free from the miserable fate of being exploited and
oppressed as cattle and horses, fully demonstrating the superiority of the
socialist system, stimulating the enthusiasm of the working masses to work for
socialism, and promoting the vigorous development of our socialist revolution
and construction.
We should see that in our socialist society, which has just
developed from a semi-feudal and semi-colonial society, the level of social
productivity is not yet high and the products are not yet abundant; the
differences between workers and peasants, between urban and rural areas, and
between mental and manual labour left over from the old society can only be
eliminated after a long period of effort; some remnants of private ownership
and exploitation still exist; the two systems of socialist public ownership
will still exist for a long time. As long as the two systems of ownership
exist, the commodity system and money exchange are inevitable; moreover, there
are still classes and class struggles in society, and the old ideological
rubbish left over from the capitalist system of exploitation, such as loving a
life of ease and not wanting to work, obtaining gain without doing work and getting
more with less work, is still eating away at people's minds. The communist
attitude towards labour has not yet been generally established. In such a
situation, the distribution of individual consumer goods, a system of "no
food for those who do not work" and "from each according to his
ability, to each according to his work" is inevitable. "If one does
not want to fall into idealism, one cannot think that immediately after the
overthrow of capitalism, people will learn to work for society without any
legal norms, and that the abolition of capitalism cannot immediately create the
economic preconditions for such a change." Therefore, we must also
continue to correctly implement the system of distribution according to labour.
As Lenin said, "Until the 'advanced' stage of communism arrives,
socialists demand that society and the state exercise extremely strict
supervision over the standards of labour and consumption" in order to
facilitate the further removal of the ugly phenomena caused by the system of
exploitation, in the interests of socialist production to proceed smoothly and
to facilitate the organisation of the lives of the masses.
However, we should see that "on the point of the
distribution of products 'according to labour', 'bourgeois right' still
reigns." At the same time the distribution according to labour is not
frozen in place and unchanging. With the continuous development of the
productive forces of society and the enrichment of products, with the increase
in the level of socialist public ownership and with the increase in people's
political and ideological consciousness, the mode of distribution must also
change, moving further from formal equality to de facto equality and gradually
realising the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each
according to his needs". Engels said of distribution in a socialist
society: "The mode of distribution depends, after all, on the quantity of
products that can be distributed, and this quantity will, of course, change
with the progress of production and social organisation, and thus the mode of
distribution should also change." Therefore, it must not be imagined that
a socialist society "has an unchanging distribution" (Engels to Korn
Schmitt, 5 August 1890). Chairman Mao recently pointed out that "there is
still an eight-tier wage system, distribution according to work, and money
exchange, which are not much different from the old society." "This
can only be restricted under the dictatorship of the proletariat." Why is
the system of distribution of consumer goods according to labour "not much
different from the old society" or, as Marx and Lenin put it, "still
the legal right of the bourgeoisie"? Why, if left unchecked, is it bound
to become a breeding ground for capitalism? Our experience, based on Marxist
teaching, is that:
(1) Although the distribution of labour denies the privilege of landlords and capitalists to possess the means of production and thus the labour of others, it recognises that "the rights of producers are proportional to the labour they provide", which affirms the right of those who are more physically capable, better educated and more skilled to receive more consumer goods from society and thus to have a better standard of living than others. This is, in effect, "a tacit acknowledgement that the different working capacities (of workers) are natural privileges." It is a tacit acknowledgement of the differences that exist at this stage between workers and peasants, between urban and rural areas, and between mental and physical labour. However, we know that the three main differences are a division of labour of the old society that emerged with the emergence of private ownership and the creation of classes. In a society dominated by the exploiting class, the exploiting class enjoyed the privilege of mental labour and monopolised the wealth of technical and cultural and scientific knowledge created by the working people, who were deprived of the right to learn technical and cultural and scientific knowledge, which is "one of the most important sources of inequality in modern society". The socialist revolution deprived the bourgeoisie of their private property rights in respect of the means of production, but they generally still had more technical and cultural scientific knowledge and some experience in management. The distribution of labour tacitly assumes that the individual's ability to work is a natural privilege, and in the case of the bourgeoisie and its intellectuals participating in labour, it also tacitly assumes that their ability to work has the privilege of obtaining higher pay, which is of course unreasonable and unfair. It is among working people that individual differences in skill, knowledge and experience are not innate, but are shaped by a variety of different social reasons. Engels said: "In a society of private producers, the cost of training learned labourers is borne by private individuals or their families, so that the higher price of learned labour also goes to private individuals in the first place: skilled slaves sell for more, and skilled hired labourers receive higher wages. In a society organised on socialist principles, such costs are borne by society, so that the fruits, the greater value, created by complex labour also goes to society." (Anti-Dühring) Engels tells us clearly in this passage that even within working people, differences in individual working capacity were often the result of private ownership in the old societies. In a society where the means of production are publicly owned the costs of training workers are borne by society. Therefore, this privilege is also unjustified.
Marx and Engels pointed out as early as in The German
Ideology that "the incorrect principle of 'pay according to ability',
which is based on our present system", should be "changed into the
principle of 'distribution according to need', in other words: differences in
activity, in labour, do not give rise to any inequalities in possession and
consumption, to any privileges." Our great leader, Chairman Mao, in the
light of the practice of our socialist revolution, issued the glorious
"May 7 Instructions" to the whole Party, the whole army and the whole
nation, calling on all walks of life to be both workers and peasants, both
civil and military, and to cultivate new communist men with a high degree of
political consciousness and all-round development. Under the guidance of
Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, new socialist things such as the masses of
cadres and workers, peasants, soldiers, academics and businessmen adhering to
the May 7th path, cadres participating in collective production and labour,
intellectual youths going to the mountains and the countryside, and workers,
peasants and soldiers participating in the Marxist theoretical ranks continued
to emerge, develop and grow. All these were major measures to narrow the three
major differences, gradually eliminate the old division of labour and
ultimately eliminate bourgeois right.
We should see that since the distribution of labour
"tacitly acknowledges that the different working abilities (of workers)
are a natural privilege", it provides an objective economic condition for
the proliferation of bourgeois ideas such as "private ownership of
technology" and "private ownership of knowledge". This provides
an objective economic condition for the proliferation of the ideology of bourgeois
right. It is easy for some people to treat their special skills, techniques,
knowledge and experience in certain jobs as capital, and to calculate their
remuneration for a certain amount of work, thus fostering selfish and egoistic
ideas. "Some people turn the little technology, knowledge and experience
they possess into bargaining capital with the Party, and even into a tool for
attacking the Party,for not narrowing the three major differences and the
difference in wage scales, and for not gradually restricting bourgeois right in
distribution according to labour, but allow it to develop. If it develops even
faster it will be used by the class enemy. Wasn’t Lin Biao advocating that he
had a "particularly good brain, given by his parents", and that the sending
of intellectual youth to the countryside was "labour reform in
disguise" and the decentralisation of cadres was "unemployment in
disguise". Weren’t they trying to incite people to widen the three major
differences to serve their counter-revolutionary aim of restoring capitalism?
Shouldn't we in the working class be on high alert against such a situation!
(2) The principle of distribution according to labour is
that every producer, after making all deductions, receives back from the social
side exactly what he has given to society. "The amount of labour which he
gives to society in one form, he receives back in another form in its
entirety." This is the same principle that regulates the exchange of
commodities i.e. the principle that equal amounts of labour can be exchanged
for each other. Although the "exchange of equal amounts of labour for each
other" in the exchange of commodities in a commodity-producing society
based on private ownership (capitalist society being the most developed
commodity-producing society) is very different from the "exchange of equal
amounts of labour for each other" in the distribution of consumer goods
according to labour on the basis of socialist public ownership, there is a
significant difference between this principle and the principle of the exchange
of equal amounts of labour for equal amounts of labour. On the basis of this
exchange of equal amounts of labour, the idea of equality, the idea of formal
equality, characteristic of bourgeois right, was formed, and Lenin said that
"the idea of equality is itself a reflection of the commodity relations of
production" (Draft These on the National and Colonial Questions) and that "Under
the guise of the equality of the individual in general, bourgeois democracy
proclaims the formal or legal equality of the property-owner and the
proletarian, the exploiter and the exploited, thereby grossly deceiving the
oppressed classes." (ibid.) Under socialist public ownership, the mutual
relations of working people in the production process are supposed to be
cooperative with each other, and the working class and the working people in
general are the masters of society. However, the implementation of the
principle of distribution based on equal work for equal product tends to make
some people, like businessmen, "coldly calculating", unwilling to
work half an hour longer than others, unwilling to be paid a little less than
others, generating the employment ideology of "you pay me so much, and I’ll
do so much work” and “If I do so much work, then you pay me so much in wages”, and
some people also argued that only this is "reasonable", only then is
it "equal”. In fact, this so-called "equality" and
"reasonableness" is precisely the "narrow vision of bourgeois right".
When the idea of bourgeois right has developed to a serious extent, it will be
exactly like the businessmen in capitalist society, who treat themselves as
commodities and think that they can get what they want, always wanting to buy
cheaply and sell well, and pursuing "less work, more pay and a good
life". Just as the exchange of commodities for equal value in capitalist
society is governed by market supply and demand, some people join the
revolution and the Communist Party as if they were taking a stake with capital.
They not only demanded "equal exchange", but also "unequal
exchange", either by asking for a price or by lying down and not doing it,
becoming a complete trader.
The equality of exchange of goods for equal value in
capitalist society conceals the unequal relationship of class oppression and
exploitation. The exchange of equal amounts of labour in the socialist
distribution of labour also conceals de facto inequality. This is because the
distribution of labour is a measure of different people by the same yardstick
of labour. People with different abilities exchange for different amounts of
consumer goods, and there are differences in the degree of affluence. Even if
people with the same abilities and the same income have more or less people to
support, there will be differences in the actual income and standard of living
of each person. This shows that behind formal equality, there is still de facto
inequality and differences in the degree of affluence. Thus, Marx states,
"Here the right to equality remains according to principle a bourgeois right."
Due to the implementation of the distribution of labour,
there is an objective difference between the rich and the poor. If this
disparity between the rich and the poor is not restricted, if the three major
differences and the class differences are not gradually reduced, and if the
disparity between the rich and the poor is allowed to expand arbitrarily, it
will lead to polarisation, give rise to new class oppression and exploitation,
and will not ensure the basic needs of the people. Therefore, in order to
prevent polarisation and to ensure the basic needs of the people, it is
absolutely necessary for the State to take certain measures to limit the
disparity between the rich and the poor.
(3) When the system of distributing consumer goods according
to labour is implemented, the consumer goods received by the worker for an
equal amount of labour belong to the individual. Article 9 of our new
Constitution provides that "The State protects the ownership of citizens'
labour income, savings, houses and all kinds of means of subsistence."
This individual ownership of the means of consumption will exist as long as
there is still a system of distribution according to labour, and if individual
ownership of the means of consumption is abolished, it is in effect the same as
abolishing distribution according to labour. Although, here, we are talking
only about the means of consumption, still the labour income of the citizens,
which is fundamentally different from the situation where the
landlord-capitalist takes possession of the means of production and thus
exploits the labour of others, this ownership, in principle, is still bourgeois
right.
In the old society, which was based on private ownership of
the means of production, the production and consumption of products were
private in nature. In a socialist society, the ownership of the means of
production changes and the products produced no longer go to the
landlord-capitalist, but to the collective of workers. The individual family is
no longer the unit of production in society. However, because of the system of
distribution of consumer goods according to labour, individual private
ownership of the means of subsistence remains, and the individual household is
still a unit of consumption. At the same time, because some vestiges of private
ownership and exploitation still exist, rural members still keep a small amount
of their own land and run family side-businesses. Under such circumstances, if
individual ownership of the means of consumption is considered to mean that
"everyone can dispose of his own money as he pleases", without the
necessary restrictions and supervision by the state, the "small
field" will impact on the collective big field, the family side-business
will weaken the big socialist business, and the individual consumption unit
will break up again into independent, individual small producers. What is more,
the individual consumer unit will be turned into an independent, individual
capitalist enterprise by turning the public into private, embezzling and
stealing, speculating, loan sharking and running underground factories. Is this
not a phenomenon that is happening?
We should also see that since there are individual
consumption units, there is a contradiction between individual consumption and
collective production. To achieve communism, there must be a gradual
socialisation of domestic work, and Lenin said: there must be "a general
transformation of menial domestic work into a great socialist economy"
before "there can be real emancipation of women, real communism."
Thus, in his article "A Great Creation", Lenin enthusiastically
praised public canteens, nurseries and kindergartens as the young shoots of
communism, whose development we should actively support. In our country, the
level of socialisation of domestic work is not yet high, and this is a very
important problem that must be solved gradually under the dictatorship of the
proletariat.
(4) Since bourgeois legal power still dominates in the distribution of the means of consumption, some people are unable to treat the issue of consumption and accumulation correctly, believing that consumption is a personal matter while accumulation is a matter for the state, and even putting individual interests above collective and national interests. Therefore, on the issue of consumption and accumulation, the struggle between the two classes and the two lines is also very fierce. Liars like Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao, with their bitter hatred for the socialist system and their sinful aim of restoring capitalism, spread all sorts of fallacious arguments. Under the banner of "fighting for the people", they slander our socialist system as "rich country, poor people", advocate "distribute more, take more", vainly want to share all the socialist accumulation, dismantle the socialist economic base, undermine the socialist revolution and construction, and restore capitalism in our country. Some people with a serious ideology of bourgeois right do not have a correct understanding of socialist accumulation and say that "the products of labour should be recovered without compromise", which is nothing but a reactionary trend of fake socialism that Marx has long since rejected.
Accumulation is the source of expanded reproduction, and it
is necessary in any society. But the nature of accumulation is fundamentally
different depending on the social system. In capitalist societies, accumulation
is manifested in the accumulation of capital, where the capitalist converts the
surplus value extracted from the workers into capital and pockets it for
himself, so that in capitalist societies the capitalist accumulates wealth,
while the worker accumulates poverty and labour torture.
Accumulation in a socialist society is a different matter;
it is an accumulation solely for the long-term, fundamental interests of the
working class and the working people. As Marx said, "Everything that is
deducted from a producer in a private position is in turn used, directly or
indirectly, for the benefit of this producer in the position of a member of
society."
Over the past twenty years since the founding of the
country, the people of the whole country, guided by Chairman Mao's
revolutionary line, have built our country into an initially prosperous and
flourishing socialist country. "If a big river has water then a small
river is full; if a big river has no water then a small river is dry."
With the ever-changing development of industrial and agricultural production,
the material and cultural living standards of the working people have continued
to rise.
However, we should see: our country is still a developing
country with a relatively backward economy, and to make our country further
prosperous, "within this century, we will fully modernize agriculture,
industry, national defence and science and technology, so that our national
economy will be at the forefront of the world." (Premier Zhou: Report on
the Work of the Government) We have to maintain a high level of accumulation on
a regular basis and struggle hard for decades. "Hard struggle" is the
political essence of our working class. We must not forget this.
In summary, it can be seen that bourgeois right still
dominates in the "distribution according to labour", which is
"not much different from the old society" and is the breeding ground
and condition for capitalism. "Therefore, if Lin Biao's class came to
power, it would be easy to set up a capitalist system." We know that
ownership plays a decisive role in the relations of production, but the form of
distribution also plays a counter role to ownership, and under certain
conditions. It was bourgeois right in distribution that the Soviet traitor
group used as an important tool to metamorphose the world's first socialist
state into a social-imperialist state. This painful lesson should be
remembered. Marxist-Leninists have always been wary of the corrosive and
destructive role of bourgeois right under the dictatorship of the proletariat
and opposed the widening of differences in the question of distribution.
Summing up the historical experience of the international communist movement
and of our country, the great leader Chairman Mao pointed out that with regard
to bourgeois right "this can only be restricted under the dictatorship of
the proletariat." Therefore, when dealing with bourgeois right, should it
be gradually restricted or expanded? In dealing with the ideology of bourgeois right,
should it be completely destroyed or defended? This is an important aspect of
the struggle between the two classes of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the
two lines of Marxism and revisionism.
Revisionist leaders like Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao opposed the
restriction of the remaining part of bourgeois right under the dictatorship of
the proletariat, advocated "material incentives", shouted that
"self-interest and the desire for more is the law", and spread such
revisionist black stuff as "motivation comes from material incentives".
They are trying to widen the hierarchical differences in distribution, to
cultivate a privileged class and to expand the social basis for their
restoration of capitalism. So-called "material incentives" are
nothing but the use of money as bait to stimulate people to compete for fame
and profit in the market. Lenin said, "To do something for money - this is
the morality of the capitalist world." Some people in our working class,
poisoned by bourgeois ideology and the revisionist line, are so keen on
bourgeois right that they cannot distinguish between socialism and capitalism
and between Marxism and revisionism. Among the leading staff of the
enterprises, some people always tried to use "material incentives" to
mobilise people's "enthusiasm", not realising that what was mobilised
in this way was only capitalist "enthusiasm" This encourages
individualism and economism among the staff. The higher the " incentive
", the more harmful it is to the socialist system. The essence of
"material incentives" is bourgeois politics in the service of the
restoration of capitalism.
Therefore, in implementing the system of "from each
according to his ability, to each according to his work", we must adhere
to the political priorities of the proletariat and advocate a communist work
ethic. When workers have the idea of serving the people completely and
thoroughly, and have established a communist work ethic, they will be able to
give full play to their revolutionary drive and contribute everything they have
to the revolutionary cause. Some people say: If we want to implement the
distribution of labour according to work, we cannot promote communist labour
dynamics; if we want to promote communist labour dynamics, we have to abolish
the distribution of labour according to work. This is an erroneous view that
pits education in communist ideology against the implementation of socialist
principles of distribution.
Chairman Mao taught us as early as the democratic revolution
in our country: "The propaganda of the ideological system and social
system of communism should be distinguished from the practice of the
new-democratic program of action." "We should expand the propaganda
of communism and step up the study of Marxism-Leninism. Without such propaganda
and study, not only will it not be able to guide the Chinese revolution to the
future stage of socialism, but it will also not be able to guide the current
democratic revolution to victory." At the stage of socialism, bourgeois right
still dominates in distribution according to work. If we do not criticize
bourgeois right and establish a communist labour attitude, not only will we not
be able to do a good job in the current distribution according to work, but we
will also fail to gradually restrict bourgeois right. We will fail to gradually
realise the transition from distribution according to work to distribution
according to needs, and fail to realise communism in the future.
What are communist labour dynamics? Lenin says:
"Communist labour, in a narrower and stricter sense, is unpaid labour
performed for society, labour not for the fulfilment of a certain obligation,
not for the right to a certain product, not according to a pre-determined legal
quota, but voluntary labour, labour without a quota, labour without expectation
of remuneration, labour without
conditions of remuneration." ("From the destruction of the old system
to the creation of a new one"). In fact, the communist labour system that
Lenin spoke of is the spirit of comrade Bethune, who was free from selfishness
and self-interest, and the spirit of comrade Zhang Side, who worked completely
and utterly in the interests of the people; it is the spirit of comrades Lei
Feng, Wang Jie and Wang Jinxi, who "feared neither hardship, nor
death", "devoting oneself wholeheartedly to the revolution" and
"doing everything for the people". The facts prove that despite the
existence of bourgeois right, we can break the ideology of bourgeois right as
long as we study hard the works of Marx and Lenin and Chairman Mao and
seriously reform our world view. We must establish a communist labour movement.
Marx said: "Only by liberating all mankind can the proletariat finally
liberate itself". This shows that the proletariat is the class most rich
in revolutionary thoroughness. The spirit of communism, which is selfless,
uncompensated and courageous, is what guarantees the great victory of our
proletarian revolutionary cause. During the revolutionary war years, our
revolutionary forefathers lived on a penny of oil, two pennies of salt and a
catty and a half of rice a day; on the Long March, they ate grass roots and
bark, and although life was hard and there was much fighting, everyone worked
hard, went forward and backward, killed the enemy bravely, and threw their
heads and blood at all costs. Today, we must maintain the same vigour,
revolutionary enthusiasm and desperate spirit of the past revolutionary war period,
and carry out our revolutionary work to the end.
We should see that: the labour movement of communism has
emerged and gradually developed in the midst of the fierce struggle between the
two classes and the two lines, and in the struggle against all old traditional
ideas. Guided by Chairman Mao's important instructions on theoretical issues,
we should "read more Marxism-Leninism", clarify the issue of the
dictatorship of the proletariat, carry forward the three major styles of the
Party, constantly criticise all forms of revisionist thinking, criticise the
ways of Confucius and Mencius and all the ideologies of the reactionary and
decadent classes, restrict bourgeois right, criticise the ideology of bourgeois
right, establish a communist labour movement and struggle for the construction
of socialism and the eventual realisation of a communist society!
marxistphilosophy.org/HistChinPhil1952_2005/116.htm
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