Saturday, November 27, 2021

The Lonely Old Battlefield - Chinese Women from Zhiqing in the Burma Communist People’s Army

 


(Translator’s Preface:  The story of young Chinese volunteering to fight in the Burmese (Myanmar) Communist People’s Army was unknown to me.  After reading the article below, I recently came across a reference to the re-formation of the Burmese People’s Liberation Army. (See: Communist Party of Burma declares People's War against the junta government - Workers Todaythe article also has a link to a Burmese-language website of the Burmese PLA). A couple of days ago, the journal The Diplomat also had a reference to the PLA: “the People’s Liberation Army of the Communist Party of Myanmar is back in the game after three decades of hibernation. It is currently conducting military training with the help of the KIA”. (The KIA is the Karen Independence Army, which claimed to have killed 100 Myanmar troops in the month of August). It seems that the military junta in Myanmar has been lifting a heavy rock only to drop it on its own toes. The interview below with Pan Dongxu is presented through the eyes and values of the interviewer who seems to have focussed on sensational and bloody accounts.  However, it is worth reading and knowing about the history of the Burmese PLA.)

 

Pan Dongxu: The Lonely Old Battlefield --My Days in Burma

The Golden Triangle of the Soul and the Dream of Youth

Few people will mention such a past event in Phoenix's Satellite TV’s "A Cold, Warm Life". It was a time of frenzied revolution when groups of intellectual youths came from the motherland to the south-western frontier, crossing the border into Myanmar and joining the Burmese People's Liberation Army to realise the ideals of revolution and the liberation of all mankind. Pan Dongxu is such a passionate young woman. She crossed the border from Yunnan to Myanmar when she was 14 years old and joined the Burmese People’s Army. She was born to die on the battlefield in Myanmar. Thirty years later, the battlefield scenes are still before her eyes.

Author Peng Bin

Character profile: Pan Dongxu, female, child of returned overseas Chinese from Myanmar, member of the Yunnan Contemporary Literature Research Association, Yunnan educated youth, joined the Burmese People’s Army in 1968, served as a signals soldier, high-speed shooter, etc., worked as a worker, teacher, journalist, etc. after returning to China. She is the author of Yuji's entity novel "Lonely Old Battlefield", the first part is "The Dream of Youth" (Tianma Publishing Co., Ltd.), and the second part is " Youth of Blood and Fire" (to be published).

As I sat with Pan Dongxu on a wooden chair in the Kunming Library, under the warm winter sun, she took out her documentary-length novel The Lonely Old Battlefield and gave it to me. She laughed at herself, saying that it was an embarrassingly difficult book to publish because it was about an embarrassingly unseen revolution at a special time in history. But it is the true story of the youth, dreams and struggles of tens of thousands of Chinese youths who joined the Burmese Communist Party. "I feel suffocated not to write about it, and I am sorry for the youth of our generation not to write about it," she said. 

She writes about the ultimate dream - the great ideal of liberating all mankind - in the story of the young people who began in the 1960s and lasted for 20 years, about the Chinese youth who went to the Golden Triangle to join the Burmese Communist Party and fought in the battlefield with their great ideal in mind, about those who were abandoned in a foreign country when an embarrassing war ended or were displaced upon their return to China.




Pan Dongxu was once a female Burmese communist soldier with a wealth of experience. From army clerk, propagandist and correspondent, to prison guard and anti-aircraft machine gunner, to female squad leader of a high-speed aircraft company; from a small business owner who peddled small goods at the border after her transfer, to a female Chinese teacher and volunteer in Burmese primary and secondary school classrooms, this woman writer in her sixties is still struggling with the fate of their group of pure idealists in relation to the times.

Her narrative begins in 1968.

It was in December 1968 that Pan Dongxu, a young girl, crossed the border from Yunnan to Burma with two other students and joined the Burmese Communist People's Army. Before that, the three of them were from the school's "Dongxu Combat Team".

Pan Dongxu was an idealist from an early age, but her fate was unfortunate, as she became a "black brat" due to her parents' rightist affiliation and was sent down with her mother to the countryside in Tengchong County, Yunnan.

It was 1968, the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" was in full swing, and the Red Guards were in full swing, with all sorts of armed and combat teams defending the revolutionary line to the death. Despite the factions, Pan Dongxu had no part to play - no team included her as a member of the "Black Five". No one wanted her, so she did it herself. Pan Dongxu raised her arms, enlisted two other students in the same situation as her, and the three of them formed the "Dongxu Fighting Team", carving steel plates, printing tabloids and chanting slogans, all contributing their blood and youth to the defence of the revolutionary line.

But across the river, in the highlands of the Shan State of Burma in the Golden Triangle, a 20-year war was beginning - the People's Army, led by the Communist Party of Burma, launched an all-out attack on the Burmese government forces, led by Ne Win, to overthrow Burmese nationalist rule and "establish a new, independent, democratic, peaceful, united and prosperous Burma".

The town of Monggu in north-eastern Burma was the first target of an attack by the Communist People's Army (CPA), which besieged the government garrison there in their sleep late on New Year's Day 1968. Immediately afterwards, red flags bearing the sickle and axe were planted all over Monggu, and the soaring melody of The Internationale echoed in every corner of Monggu. Since then, Monggu has become a solid rearguard for the Burma Communist People's Army, supporting the armed struggle of the main force of the People's Army thousands of miles away.

At the World Communist and Workers' Party Conference in 1960, the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) explicitly adopted Mao Zedong Thought as its guiding ideology and sided with the Communist Party of China (CPC); therefore, China has trained a large number of military commanders for it. It was against this historical background that the Communist Party gave permission to the Burmese People’s Army to recruit Chinese border guards along the border with China in order to replenish the army with new blood.

A recruitment station was also set up in the town of Monggu.



At home, after the “great linking up”, Red Guards were passionate, and the call for intellectual youths to go to the countryside brought waves of revolutionary fervour to the forefront: "Go to the countryside! Go where the motherland needs you most! Go where the revolution is most needed!" "Down with imperialism, revisionism and counter-revolution! Plant the red flag of the revolution in every corner of the world!" The stirring slogans shook the youth of a generation of Chinese youths who had nowhere else to go. They went to the frontiers, to the countryside, to liberate two-thirds of the world's people who were still in dire straits, to contribute all they could to the vast expanse of the world. A group of young people, full of the red passion to participate in the international revolution and with the heroes of the Third World Communist Revolutionary Movement and the leader of the Cuban Communist Party, Che Guevara, were sent from Yunnan. From Yunnan, they crossed the border to join the Burmese Communist People's Army, carrying pamphlets depicting Che Guevara, the hero of the Third World Communist Revolution. 

Pan Dongxu's brother, Pan Guoying, also crossed the border to join the Burma Communist People's Army.

On the day when his rightist mother was hauled up for criticism and beaten, at night, her angry brother Pan Guoying dislodged the tiles of the batterer's house and, as a result, was caught. The assailant hung Pan Guoying up by a wire, even when his mother went to the door to confess her mistake and begged on her knees.

Pan Dongxu watched as the wire strangled into his brother's flesh.

That night, her brother left.



A few months later, her brother suddenly sent home a letter containing a picture of himself in his PLA uniform, a picture that showed him as a glorious internationalist soldier. Her mother showed the letter and the photo to the director of the Revolutionary Committee and to the villagers around her. At that moment, the family, which had been bullied and discriminated against, lifted its head.

Pan Dongxu couldn't sit still any longer. Anyway, she did not study in school, and she could not pass the political examinations for recruitment or joining the army, so she was not even qualified to join the revolution. The only option was to join the world revolution, just like his brother, so that they could realise their revolutionary ideals and make a difference. So, at the end of 1968, the three children of the "Dongxu Combat Team" crossed the border river from Savage Sea Township, Zhapang Township, Dehong Prefecture, Yunnan Province, to the recruitment office in Menggu Township, and became clerks in the battalion headquarters of the county brigade.

This was the beginning of her military career. At the time, she had not yet reached the age of 14.

Life, fate and death

Militarised life was new. In the early hours of the morning, the soldiers woke up at the sound of the whistle, packed their rucksacks and washed up before the Kachin deputy battalion commander led them in the Kachin language to "wish Chairman Mao a long and prosperous life and Vice Marshal Lin a healthy life", followed by morning exercises and laps around the fortress. After breakfast, they started military drills throughout the day - aiming, shooting, dropping bombs and occasionally studying Lin Biao's tactical theories.




When Pan Dongxu received an American-made carbine for the first time, she said to herself, "You must be worthy of this weapon”. A month later, she became the best shooter in the women's class at target shooting.

Women soldiers generally did not go to war, so Pan Dongxu was transferred to the county and district committees to do mass work, working with other members of the working group to help the local ethnic groups organise production, learn culture and raise revolutionary consciousness. At this stage, she realized the difficulty of the people at the bottom of the population; later, she was transferred to the famous Manguang Public Security Bureau as a documentary, participated in the establishment of the Manguang Prison, and served as a guard for a period of time. In the course of her dealings with all kinds of "cow demons and snake spirits", she experienced many more vicious incidents than she knew and witnessed many unnatural deaths.

At the age of 14, Pan Dongxu, a young girl who thought she was still far from the battlefield, began to see real stories of life and death, whether they happened to animals or humans, in the army or among the people -

From time to time, the county brigade received wounded soldiers on crutches with their arms dangling; veterans who were blown up by grenades making their bodies bloody; monkeys which were tied up by soldiers who ate their brains raw by cutting open their scalps; Kachin women who bled in childbirth and turned the soil beneath them into red mud; babies who died of seizures at birth; fugitives who killed and escaped from prison... ...

She told me two of the most impressive stories.

When the team helped to investigate two "counter-revolutionaries" who had fled the country, they accidentally found two young people who had escaped from the country's state farms: a woman who had been raped by the company commander of the Production and Construction Corps and was pregnant, and her husband who had stabbed the company commander in anger and then fled across the border with the woman. The two of them went into hiding and made a living by digging large tobacco fields for others.

Later, Pan Dongxu heard that the girl had died in childbirth on a night of heavy rain. When he returned home, the husband set fire to his wife and son's body and house.

Then, the young man went mad!

We are born like ants, and fate is worthless!


One day, a beautiful political prisoner with a pretty face was brought in to Manguang Prison on the charge of "special suspicion".

It wasn't too complicated. The woman had delivered letters and pastries for her brother's friend, who happened to work at a military intelligence contact point, and she was suspected of secretly passing on information. After being sent to prison, she waited for the screening with trust in the organisation.

Because of her good looks, in prison she was constantly harassed by male and female inmates and bullied by the leaders, while her boyfriend, who was out helping her to redress her grievances, was killed in battle.

All thoughts were lost and the female prisoner lost the courage to live. Before she died, she took a shower, changed into her best dress, stole Pan Dongxu’s grenade when wasn't looking and used the opportunity of working in the prison kitchen to pull the pull ring ......

The female prisoner was thus shattered in front of Pan Dongxu, and the kitchen was littered with fried minced meat and charcoal ashes.

We are born like ants and fate is worthless!

……

Step by step, these bloody stories brutally impacted her revolutionary thinking, changing little by little her view of the world and herself. Life and fate and death, principles and humanity, these philosophical questions rushed through her heart again and again, causing her to quickly transform from a simple girl into a resolute warrior woman.

Pan Dongxu's The Lonely Old Battlefield is written into these stories. And at this time, she had not yet actually gone to war.

Blood and Fire

Youth of Blood and Fire is Pan Dongxu's second book, this one about her personal experience of fighting the enemy to the death on the battlefield.



Pan Guoying, Pan Dongxu's brother, was killed.

Pan Guoying was one of the earliest youth soldiers in the People's Army. In less than two years as a scout, he carried out more than a hundred combat missions and received more than a dozen merits and awards, and was nicknamed "Chinese Pan". The last time, the enemy ambushed him for three days. After his leg was broken, he knelt down and continued to fight, covering the entire reconnaissance squad.

The enemy stripped him naked and threw him out on the street, where his bones ended up is unknown.


At the age of 19, her brother became a martyr and an example for the People's Army to follow. 19 years old, his loyal soul was left in the jungles of northern Myanmar!

Pan Dongxu took her brother's letter, which said, "I am a seven-foot man who can sacrifice myself, and I will never return home as a thousand-year old heroic ghost." She set up a mound for her brother, and on the mound she wrote a couplet for him: "The bones of the martyrs are dipped in blood to write chivalry, and the cold moon is clear to mourn the souls of the faithful!”

If you want to struggle, you will have to sacrifice, so said Chairman Mao. Pan Dongxu was convinced that the death of her brother and all the martyrs of the Burmese Communist Party was worth it, because this revolution will surely be won. She believed that with millions of People's Army soldiers like her brother, Burma would definitely be liberated. Then, they will have to go on to liberate other countries and liberate the people in need of liberation all over the world.

In the summer of 1970, the Communist People's Army (CPA) made a long-range assault on Ramsar, Burma's second largest city. However, as the army was alone, it was soon attacked by government planes and tanks and suffered heavy casualties.

At this time, Pan Dongxu, who had inherited her brother's legacy and volunteered to go to the front, became a female soldier of the Northeast Military District Special Services Battalion's Security and Communications Company and officially went to war.

In the summer of 1970, the Burmese Communist People's Army (CPA) made a long-range assault on Lashio, Burma's second largest city. However, as the army was isolated, it was soon attacked by government planes and tanks and suffered heavy casualties.

At this time, Pan Dongxu, who had inherited her brother's legacy and volunteered to go to the front, became a female soldier of the Northeast Military District Special Services Battalion's Security and Communications Company and officially went to war.

When the radio of the communication company broke down, Pan Dongxu rode alone to the headquarters to deliver the letter and retrieve the transistor for the repair of the radio on the way.

When she returned, it was already dark. As she walked, the horse suddenly stopped and took a detour to a small hill. Pan Dongxu did not know what had happened, but knowing that war horses are extremely spiritual, she quietly hid behind the hillock and looked ahead: a person was lying under a small tree, the corpse of a woman who had just had her head cut off ......



The women of the communications company were also responsible for sending ammunition to the front line. On one occasion, before they could keep up with the troops, it was dark as the battle line was pushing forward. A few girls found a slightly flat area in a trench full of ground, laid down a tarp, put down the ammunition box and slept for the night. When dawn came, the first woman to get up pulled the tarpaulin and a human intestine flew out from under it. It turned out that there had been a battle here yesterday, and all the soldiers who had died in action were buried in the trench with a thin layer of soil covering the surface, and they had slept on this huge pile of flesh and blood!

During one rescue, Pan Dongxu, who was on rescue duty, gently dragged a wounded man with a lung injury into the trench. When she pulled out the blood clot blocking the casualty's mouth, a series of blood bubbles immediately emerged from the casualty's lungs. By the time she and her comrades darted to carry the casualty to the temporary field hospital, he was already dead.

By the middle of the 1970s, the Burmese Communist People's Army guerrillas were repeatedly hit and all available troops were on the front line.

During one guerrilla war, Pan Dongxu's female anti-aircraft squad was ordered to the front line, with the main task being to provide air cover with the one Type 54 12.7mm anti-aircraft machine gun they possessed. This time they won the battle and the girls slept soundly at night. But the next day they woke up to find that their unit had withdrawn and that their temporarily assigned squad had been forgotten in the position, which had been taken by the enemy.

They hid in a cave until darkness when they used the nylon ropes they carried with them to slide down the valley floor one by one. And it was during this process that a weak female soldier suddenly stomped off and fell heavily on a rock, her womb falling out of her body. The fall left the soldier disabled for life and celibate to this day.

They carried their fallen comrade and got lost in the mountains. It was not until the 10th day that they were rescued by a local Luohei hunter.

The team was given a collective credit by their superiors, and the squad leader, Pan Dongxu, was given a second-class merit personally. The women's squad became known far and wide as a heroic collective.


Pan Dongxu's documentary novel

Aimless drifting becomes a book

In August 1971, Chairman Mao Zedong received the leader of the Burmese military government, Ne Win, in Beijing and relations between China and Burma returned to normal.

The Burma Communist People's Army (BCA), which had grown to fight the government forces, was suddenly put in an awkward position, and by this time, news of the return of China’s youths to the cities was also arriving. The political climate and the fleeting nature of individual lives made these young people feel a strong sense of homesickness for their homeland. Young Burmese communists who could not see a future reported that they had left the army.

Pan Dongxu was one of the first to return home, and because she was the sister of a martyr and a meritorious servant herself, her application was quickly approved.


Pan Dongxu in the Burmese People's Army


In 1978, Pan Dongxu, who had been a member of the Burmese Communist Party for 10 years, left the army and crossed the border. When she left China, her life was full of ideals and passion, but now she did not know where her ideals lay. The future was uncertain, and she didn't even know what to do for a living. The only thing she brought back with her was a green uniform and a bayonet for a carbine.

No one recognised the former military status of the young Burmese communists, and no one assigned them jobs, so she had to work odd jobs. With her tutoring and junior high school education, and her writing skills from her army clerical work, she worked as a teacher, a journalist, proofread legal documents for law firms and wrote articles for tabloids to earn a living. Sometimes she returned to Myanmar to teach Chinese and volunteer.

"Do you get paid now? How much do you get a month?" I asked her.

She told me that in 1989, the state implemented the educated youth policy, counting her years of service from 1968, and that she currently gets a retirement salary of more than 2,000 yuan a month, with medical insurance.

She went on to talk about the battle for survival after her return to China.

In the 1980s, a large number of bazaars began to open in several small towns along the Yunnan border, known as the "Five Outer Counties", selling foreign goods that the Chinese people had never seen before. "That was the frontier of reform and opening up," she says with a laugh.

Many of the returning Zhiqing soldiers were involved in this commercial war, and Pan Dongxu was no exception. She imported American Arrow cigarettes, Taiwanese mirror powder and Thai cosmetics from the Golden Triangle and sold them at border markets, as well as selling herbal medicines bought at the border to the mainland. She told me how she evaded customs checks and how she "fought" government agents who searched for "opportunists". In those days, "the money was very good and easy to make." Unfortunately, all the money that Pan Dongxu made was "squandered" in casinos.

With their ideals lost and their lives displaced, retired veterans often felt lost and empty inside, with a sense of disillusionment about their lives lingering in their minds. So, when he had money on hand, Pan Dongxu would go into the casino to "live life to the fullest". "A girl like you, who grew up in a good family, might not understand the ups and downs of my life," she said to me.

The story of her and her fellow educated youths of the Burmese Communist Party was written by her piece by piece. In 2013, she finished her long documentary novel The Lonely Old Battlefield, but she couldn't find a place to publish it, nor could she get the tens of thousands of dollars to publish it herself. It was her comrades and literary friends who lent a helping hand, and Hong Kong's Tianma Publishing Ltd. published the book for her.

"Why did my second and third books never come out? That's the reason", she says. What is the right way to look at this matter of the Burmese Communist Party? How should the value of the existence of the Burmese Communist Youth and their contribution be evaluated? This is a key question. "Until that is cleared up, what is it going to take to get my book out?"

In fact, apart from herself, Pan Dongxu has many stories about the Golden Triangle, especially women's stories, "Women who survive in the Golden Triangle are miracles in themselves," she told me. Some of the stories have even formed a documentary novel in her mind, such as the legendary life of a female student who passed intelligence for the underground party in the early days of liberation, whose domestic organization was destroyed and who has since been displaced to Myanmar; such as Ma Guotou, who escaped from bandits and fled into a cave but fell on a sack of money and has since become the richest person on the side ......

She was immersed in her story, and I was immersed in hers, until the sound of the library closing and clearing out rang out. 


I know that Pan Dongxu has never left her stories behind. I expect that these stories of hers will be available to us soon.

 

Postscript.

I have written this piece in a disjointed manner. At the beginning, because I did not know much about the history of the Burmese Communist Party, I consulted some sources to sort out some clues, and then used the simplest of lines to see what happened. Then I began to listen to the interview with Ban Dong Xu over and over again, to understand the emotion in her narrative. In fact, her narration was unemotional and concise, the essence of the story. "How did you survive?" I asked her this several times during her narration, grabbing her hand.

During the writing process, my entire emotions have been shaken by the fires of life and death and blood, by politics and war, by the suffering of individual characters, and I feel that I am not able to write and am overwhelmed.

Was I expressing what I wanted to express when I was drained? I don't know. But I hope this piece will go down in the history of world Chinese literature for the Pan Dongxus.

Author Bio.

Peng Bin, female, child of returned overseas Chinese, BA in Chinese Language and Literature, MA in Literature and Arts. She is a member of Yunnan Writers' Association, a director journalist and a painter. She has published more than one million words of journalistic works, and her correspondence has won the first prize of the National Post and Telecommunications Good News Award, and in 1998 she published her personal collection of correspondence and reportage "Hong Cheng Net Matters" (Beijing Yanshan Publishing House). She has published hundreds of poems, and her poems have won the second prize in the Yunnan Province "Southern Clouds" poetry competition and the third prize in the National Post and Telecommunications Women Writers' Essay Contest, and some of her poems have been included in books such as "Highland Star Morning" (Dehong Nation Press) and "Latest Poetry Dialogue" (Nanjing Press). She wrote the long-form reportage "Chronicles of the Overseas Chinese Mechanical Engineers in Nanyang", which was published in "China Overseas Chinese Network", "Chunqiu" magazines, and was included in books such as "The Soul of Nanqiao" (Yunnan Fine Arts Publishing House), etc.

At present, Peng Bin is dedicated to finding and exclusively interviewing famous writers and artists of world Chinese literature as well as the inheritors and propagators of traditional Chinese culture, and documenting them in columns such as "Interviews with World Chinese" and "Oral Recordings".

Article from Sohu.com Photos from the internet

Reprinted from the WeChat public number: 老知青家园

lonely old battlefield - the chinese women in the people's army of myanmar (hxzq.net)















Friday, November 26, 2021

Lao Tian: On the Distribution of Labour and Bourgeois Right - Why it is possible to dismantle the whole system of socialism by starting from …

(Translator’s preface: La Tian explores how the failure to restrict bourgeois right leads to capitalist management systems and to capitalist restoration.)

Who determines the amount of labour in the process of distribution according to labour? The bifurcation of political power between the regulator and the regulated becomes apparent in this question. And the regulation of the many by the few inevitably leads to a lack of managerial impartiality. In the past, however, debates on this issue have been conducted under the conceptual framework of bourgeois right, and with the wrong roots, the edifice is naturally unstable.

The author believes that the solution to the problem of polarisation of political power is to make the private sector public and allow the participation of the regulated in the process of regulation, which reduces the cost of regulation and is compatible with the requirements of impartiality of the majority.

As a means of distribution, the distribution of labour has both political and economic connotations, and the economic connotation of "exchange of equal amounts of labour" is a "reasonable solution" that can easily be approved by managers. This bottom-up approval can easily achieve a functional function - it becomes a legitimising tool and ideological strategy to justify the monopoly of management power. The political content is a polarisation of political power: one group of people can rate the efficiency of the other as a tool of labour and then arbitrarily impose management measures such as incentives or controls. In this way, the polarisation of politics is inherently clear - one part holds management power and the other is passively controlled by management measures, and the way in which management power is accepted or agreed upon by those being managed is through the apparent equality of "equal labour for equal labour".

As soon as workers lose their political vision and simply agree to the fairness of getting paid more for more work, they are potentially affirming that they are subject to a superior power to monitor and evaluate the results of their work, and then an acceptance of political polarisation is established. Of course, the illusion may also include a 'fairness of management' component. The problem is that in the real world, where the cost of information and the cost of monitoring and enforcement are not zero, the willingness to pay for management costs is far below the high cost threshold required for impartiality. Therefore, in order to save on management costs, the capitalist's right to manage can only ever remain at the level of arbitrary brutality, and the fairness of management can only ever remain rhetorical. The cheapest pursuit of the goal of impartiality cannot be obtained under the conditions of a monopoly of managerial power by a few dedicated managers, but can only exist in the middle of a process of making managerial power public, through which a programme of making the private sphere public, would stimulate the broad participation of  workers, save huge amounts of the costs of managerial information and supervision, thus allowing the relevant costs to fall significantly, so that they can finally be compatible with the majority impartiality required by that threshold level.

So the programme of a few dedicated managers managing the majority by various means was always strenuously opposed by Mao, who in March 1960 proposed a contrast between the constitution of Anshan Steel and that of the Magnitogorsk Iron and Steel Works, rejecting the Soviet Communist Party's practice of managerial power within the factories, and even earlier he had internally criticised Stalin for overestimating the role of cadres and technology. Dissent on this issue was the cornerstone of the socialist system, and by taking away this cornerstone the system could not function well and, in the end, could not survive. On his deathbed, Mao Zedong recalled the divergence of political views at the top of the Communist Party, and two major differences in political views were most important to him personally: there was opposition within the Party at the time of co-operatisation, and they had an aversion to criticising bourgeois right.

After Deng Xiaoping came to power, Yu Guangyuan and others wrote that "distribution according to labour is the socialist principle of distribution". This is not acknowledging its political connotation, especially the non-socialist orientation of its political connotation. The aim, of course, was ultimately to dismantle the way management power operated in the Mao era - making the private sphere public - which was precisely the legacy of the revolutionary spirit that was to be affirmed from the Sanwan reorganisation[1] to the Anshan Steel constitution.

The subsequent evolution shows that as soon as the revolutionary line of making public the private sector is ended, the identification of the managed with the managerial objective collapses instantly and the level of voluntary effort falls to an unacceptably low level. At the same time, the rise of coercive power based on the monopoly of managerial power cannot be accomplished within the  history and memory network of state enterprises. No matter how much reform is made to strengthens managerial power and weakens the position of the managed, the rise in the level of coercive effort is difficult to achieve in a concrete society of acquaintances and inevitably leads to private property rights and the restoration of the wage labour system.

The reform finally reverted to the wage labour system, with Deng making a start in 1979 and Zhu Rongji wrapping up twenty years later. To change the public management method in the private sphere among public-owned enterprises is tantamount to completely destroying the political and ideological conditions for the survival of public-owned enterprises. That beginning determined the end, and the choice of such a direction of reform was sure to open the door to a doomsday in which the public sector would destroy itself.

During the Maoist era, the debate on the political and ideological conditions necessary for public ownership was placed within the conceptual framework of bourgeois right, and centred not on the exchange of equal amounts of labour, but on the political polarisation based on it - this was reflected in the return of hierarchy or material incentives based on the monopoly of management power, which would completely destroy the ground rules for the functioning of the public ownership. Therefore, in 1969 Mao Zedong said in the middle of his speech at the First Plenary Session of the Ninth Central Committee: "It seems essential that the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution should still be carried out. Our foundation has not been consolidated. According to my own observation I would say that, not in all factories, nor in an overwhelming majority of factories, but in quite a large majority of cases the leadership is not in the hands of true Marxists, nor yet in the hands of the masses of the workers. In the past the leadership in the factories was not devoid of good men; there were good men. Among the Party committee secretaries, assistant secretaries and committee members there were good men. There were good men among the branch secretaries. But they followed the old line of Liu Shao-ch’i. They were all for material incentives, they put profits in command and did not promote proletarian politics. Instead they operated a system of bonuses, etc." [1]

(Above: Mao Zedong at the First Plenary Session of the Ninth Central Committee)


Many people in official circles and among enterprises unconsciously followed Liu Shaoqi's lead, preferring to engage in material incentives and profit-attraction, which Mao asserted would surely eventually lead to a final restoration. The opportunity for change or the internal logic underlying Mao's talk of material incentives and profit-motivated development seems to be comparable to the relevant theories of David Coates and his school of the social structure of accumulation (SSA)[2]. The various institutional clusters of accumulation needs in the middle of this SSA theory, the system of employment of labour and the goal of production in the service of profit, can be intrinsically salvaged from the expansion of material incentives and profit orientation, and there is a close intrinsic connection between the two that has not yet seen any academic sorting out.

From the intrinsic rationale of bourgeois right and the judgement that "the bourgeoisie is within the Party", as well as the political status quo of "building a capitalist state without capitalists", Mao had Premier Zhou commission a political essay, "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao's Anti-Party Group" (1975), which accurately foresaw the subsequent "three-step strategy of restoration": first expanding bourgeois right and then turn public ownership into an empty shell and then turn public into private. The third step was to establish a bourgeois republic. The conscious manipulation of the "political disapproval" of society in general, and their promotion of universal values and capital, served the need for the third step - the building of a bourgeois republic.

What is even more bizarre is that Feng Lanrui, who followed Yu Guangyuan's article and criticised Mao Zedong severely, later followed the "three-step strategy" predicted in that article, and went all the way to present herself and verify the predictions of her own enemies. She herself wrote that: initially she desperately defended distribution according to labour, then she advocated the participation of all factors in the distribution[3], and finally she advocated the establishment of a labour market and the setting of wages according to market prices, which would not be distributed according to labour at all. Then she herself became a complete publicist, and now she often writes articles on the Internet about the so-called constitutional democracy, which she does not understand at all, and starts to openly call for a complete bourgeois republic.

Starting from the political and ideological conditions necessary within the economic base, the re-establishment of political polarisation is a move that takes the bite out of the socialist economic base. It is from this key area that it is possible to see clearly how the core pillars of a system can be dismantled, leaving the entire edifice of the system unsupported, and thus to anticipate precisely the three-step strategy that the restorationists of the future will surely follow.

December 21, 2018



[1] From 29 September to 3 October 1927, Mao Zedong led the "Sanwan Reformation" in Sanwan Village, Yongxin County, Jiangxi Province. This was the earliest successful exploration and practice of building a new type of people's army by the Party, and marked the beginning of the formation of Mao Zedong's thinking on building a people's army.

The Sanwan Reformation initially solved the problem of how to build a revolutionary army with peasants and old soldiers as its main components into a new type of proletarian people's army, ensuring the absolute leadership of the Party over the army and laying the foundation of political army building. At the same time, the implementation of democracy, one of the three important elements of the Sanwan Reformation, also played a great role in uniting the masses of soldiers and disintegrating the enemy army. In this sense, the Sanwan Reformation also enriched the Party's early united front thinking and made a great contribution to united front work in theory and practice.

Mao Zedong creatively established a new set of strategies for governing the army, such as "building branches on companies" and "equality between officers and soldiers". The Sanwan Reformation was one of the earliest successful explorations and practices of the Communist Party of China in building a new type of people's army.

[2] David Coates is an academic based at the Department of Political Science, Wake Forest University, North Carolina. He has argued that capitalist models are to be differentiated by the character and balance of class forces embedded in their social structures of accumulation.

[3] Factor-based distribution is a bourgeois form of distribution, common in China, in which the users of production factors pay the owners of production factors corresponding remuneration according to a certain proportion according to the size of the contribution played by the factors in the production and operation process under the conditions of market economy. The distribution by factors is divided into distribution by land factors, distribution by capital factors, distribution by labour factors, distribution by technology factors, distribution by management factors and distribution by information factors.


Monday, November 22, 2021

Guo Songmin: "Restricting bourgeois right" and the "Nanjie Village Road"

 


22 July, 2015 source: red song club.com author: guo songmin

 

(Translator’s Preface: Bourgeois right is the Achilles Heel of socialism. Socialism cannot do without bourgeois right, but it must restrict it or face restoration of capitalism by revisionists and capitalist-roaders in the highest levels of the Party’s leadership.  This is an interesting article supporting Mao Zedong and Zhang Chunqiao’s calls to restrict bourgeois right, and the touristy “museum piece” of Nanjie Village which provides a contemporary model of that restriction.)

 

After 6 October 1976, Zhang Chunqiao, who was a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, Vice-Premier of the State Council and Director of the General Political Department of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, disappeared from the Chinese media, turning him into a silent political target. Although he reappeared in the spotlight during the "two trials" in 1980, he did not say a word, leaving the world with a huge question mark. It was not until the publication of Zhang Chunqiao's Family Letters from Prison in 2015 that it was confirmed that Zhang had always adhered to the theory and practice of the Cultural Revolution.

There is no doubt that Mao Zedong admired Zhang Chunqiao, because in China at that time, Zhang Chunqiao was probably the only person who could understand Mao's later thinking and explain it clearly. Mao did not have high expectations of the theoretical level of senior Party cadres, and on several occasions he said, "Not many people in our Party really understand Marx and Lenin" or something similar, but he did not hesitate to praise Zhang Chunqiao by saying, "Chunqiao is a thinker", which shows that Mao Zedong's expectations of Zhang Chunqiao were very high.

What is "Chunqiao Thought"?

"Chunqiao Thought was repeatedly criticised during the "Expose, Criticise and Investigate" campaign that followed the "Smashing of the Gang of Four". So, what is the main content of Chunqiao Thought? In my opinion, there are two articles that best represent Zhang Chunqiao's thought, one is "Do away with the ideology of bourgeois right"[1] published in 1958, and the other is "On Exercising All-Round Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie"[2] published in 1975.

The first of these two articles can be regarded as a manifesto for Zhang Chunqiao's entry into the political arena, for it was this article that brought him into Mao Zedong's field of vision, and thus gradually into the centre of China's political arena; the second was his curtain call on the political arena, as he lost his right to publish his articles a year later. These two articles shared a central idea: the need to limit bourgeois right under the conditions of the socialist system, which was a decisive issue for "whether the proletariat could overcome the bourgeoisie and whether China would become revisionist" (Zhang Chunqiao: “On Exercising All-Round Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie").

Of course, this is not strictly speaking "Chunqiao thought", but Mao Zedong's thought, except that Zhang Chunqiao was the most concerned with this major theoretical and political issue and explained it most systematically.

The concept of "bourgeois right" was a concept introduced by Marx, the founder of scientific socialism, in his late work "Critique of the Gotha Programme" and used to describe the characteristics of a socialist economy. According to Marx, in socialist economic and social relations, because of the principle of the distribution of labour by equal exchange, there are also legal rights of a bourgeois nature, similar to those of capitalist society, which are formally equal but not in fact equal.

Marx's language is rather 'academic', but what does it mean when translated into layman's terms? In short, it means that pay for work (i.e. distribution according to work) - the main distributive principle of the traditional socialist system, and considered an important superiority of the traditional socialist system - is a "legal right of a bourgeois nature", i.e. a bourgeois right.

In general terms, under the traditional socialist system, a person's seniority, merit, status, education, title, etc. could become "capital" for him or her to demand higher wages and better treatment, and therefore such behaviour was a sign of "serious bourgeois right". The main difference between the traditional socialist system and the capitalist system in the field of distribution is simply the absence of landlords and capitalists, i.e. the elimination of the class of land and capital profiteers.

In today's China, the principle of distribution according to labour has long been replaced by "distribution according to essential factors"[3], with land and capitalist profit-takers swallowing up most of the fruits of development, so restoring the principle of distribution according to labour is the goal of many left-wingers' prayers. Many people may not understand why Zhang Chunqiao has cast a wary eye on the principle of distribution according to labour, thinking that this may be the legendary "ultra-left", but it is not.

What is wrong with the distribution according to labour?

Under the traditional socialist system, if the principle of distribution according to work is absolutised, it may indeed lead to "revisionism". For example, in factories, the principle of distribution according to labour can be deduced from the "bonus system", followed by the contracting system factory manager's responsibility equity incentive MBO (management buyout) privatisation; in the countryside, the principle of distribution according to labour can also be deduced without any sense of contradiction from the road of Xiaogang village[4], which is the road of contracting production to the household, and the next step is land rights land transfer land concentration , until the achievements of land reform are completely lost. Thus, whether in the city or in the countryside, following the roadmap of "pay for work" will lead to a "capitalist restoration". It is a short and straight road, which we have just walked, and it is still fresh in our minds.

It is no wonder that in the early 1960s, when there was a debate within the Party about whether to implement "household contract responsibility system" in the countryside and whether the factories should be "bonus-minded" or "political-minded", Mao Zedong immediately defined the nature of the debate as a "two-way struggle" over whether to follow the socialist or capitalist road. Looking back on this period of history today, we cannot help but marvel at the great man's vision and insight into the future.

A more serious problem is that, as an incentive, pay for work will ultimately prove the superiority of the capitalist system rather than the socialist one. The logic is simple: the passion for labour inspired by pay for work cannot in any way match the enormous greed stirred up by the proliferation of capital. One only has to look at the number of people today who pin their dreams of overnight riches on the stock market to understand this.

In addition, the distribution of labour is based on people's selfishness, and it is very easy to deviate from the value guidance. The ideal state of affairs is, of course, "distribution according to work; more work, more gain", but in practice, as "gain" becomes the end of "work" and "work" becomes the means of "gain", the relationship between "work" and "gain" will gradually change from "more work, more gain" to the pursuit of more gain, less work and gain without work. Traditional socialism is a communal society, and values require people to be dedicated to the public good.

 Why must bourgeois right be restricted?

As a bourgeois right, payment according to work has such a huge hidden danger, but under the conditions of the traditional socialist system, due to various factors, it has to be used as the main distribution system. What should we do? This put even Mao Zedong, who had the power to turn the tide, in a difficult position, arguing that 'this can only be restricted under the dictatorship of the proletariat', an idea that was enthusiastically supported by Zhang Chunqiao.

Since under traditional socialist conditions one could not rely on land and capital to make a fortune, status and 'knowledge' became the main 'capital', and the main purpose of restricting bourgeois legal power was to limit the impulse of the two classes, cadres and intellectuals, to maximise their own interests.  The Cultural Revolution was a massive experiment in restricting bourgeois right, and Zhang Chunqiao's devotion to it made him the sworn enemy of these two classes, and was the main reason why he was not spared "death by a thousand cuts" after the failure of the Cultural Revolution. Mao Zedong, who should have been honoured as the father of the nation, was also branded as having made "serious mistakes" and is to this day a sore thumb for the elite.


(Above: the capitalist-roaders get their revenge: Zhang Chunqiao on trial and sentenced to death)

In short, under the traditional socialist system, the distribution according to labour and the restriction of bourgeois right must co-exist as a pair of mutually corrective institutional arrangements in order to ensure the stability of the system - otherwise, it will be either a Soviet-style disintegration or a Chinese-style reform and opening up.

How can bourgeois legal power be effectively restricted? There are also two types of "Chunqiao Thought": an institutional arrangement, i.e. the restoration of the free supply system, and a non-institutional arrangement, i.e. a self-restraint based mainly on "fighting self and repudiating revisionism" and "the revolutionisation of human thought". "For example, Mao Zedong did not want the rank of marshal and took the initiative to reduce his salary, Chen Yonggui[5] did not receive a pay rise when he became Vice Premier, and he advocated that cadres should participate in labour and intellectuals should be integrated with the workers and peasants, etc.


(Above: Mao greeting Chen Yonggui)

Positive aspects of the free supply system

The focus here is on the system of provisioning. During the revolutionary war, the system of provisioning was a system of distribution in which all those who joined the revolution were provided with the necessities of life free of charge. The scope of provision included personal necessities such as clothing, food, housing, transport, schooling and some out-of-pocket allowances, as well as living expenses and childcare for children born of marriages in the revolutionary ranks. The supply system was a form of equal distribution, with the nature of a wartime communist distribution system. After the founding of New China, after a short transition, the supply system was abolished and replaced by a salary system.

During the revolutionary war, the spirit of "everyone is an equal member of the revolutionary family" embodied in the free supply system greatly motivated hundreds of millions of peasants and workers from the lowest strata of society to devote themselves to the revolution, especially those soldiers of the Guomindang army who were captured or revolted and felt a sense of entering a new world after joining the PLA, and were greatly motivated to fight.

Since the supply system could not be motivated by the promise of "more work, more pay", the main incentive was a high degree of political identification by all members of the community and the leadership's example. If the vanguard does not do a good job, the institutional arrangements of the supply system will look like a deception.

After the founding of New China, the Communist People's Liberation Army moved into the cities and faced a new and complex situation. On the one hand, life in the cities was far more complicated than in the countryside, and the supply system could hardly meet the varied needs of urban life. On the other hand, it was still at the stage of the New Democratic Revolution, and for the sake of maintaining the united front, Mao Zedong agreed to abolish the supply system and replace it with the salary system. But the spirit of equality embodied in the supply system, and the spirit of unity among all members of the revolutionary team in working for the revolution under the supply system, all made Mao Zedong deeply attached to it. So in 1958, when he read Zhang Chunqiao's book, "Do Away With the Ideology of Bourgeois Right", in which he criticised the then-popular talk of disparaging the supply system and advocated the restoration of the fine tradition of equality for all, it was only natural that he sighed with admiration. He not only instructed the People's Daily to reproduce it in full, but also wrote an editor's note himself: "This article by Comrade Zhang Chunqiao, which appeared in the sixth issue of the semi-monthly magazine Liberation in Shanghai, is reproduced here with a view to discussion among comrades. This issue needs to be discussed because it is an important issue at present. In our view, Zhang's article is basically correct, but it is somewhat one-sided, that is to say, it does not explain the historical process completely. However, he raises the issue distinctly and attractively. The article is again easy to understand and very readable."

Nowadays, provisioning is highly politicised, as if the mention of provisioning is "ultra-left", but it is not. In essence, provisioning is a guarantee provided by the community (whether it is the state, the army, a business, a clan, a village community, etc.) to the members of the community, and the social welfare of the modern state is a form of provisioning, since it has the essential feature of being free by virtue of status.

 During the Cultural Revolution, although Zhang Chunqiao was quite fond of the supply system, he was aware that it was not possible to restore it, given the historical conditions at the time. In his political curtain-call, “On Exercising All-round Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie”, Zhang wrote reluctantly: "We have always held that, instead of having too much in the way of commodities, our country has not yet a sufficient abundance of them. So long as the communes cannot yet offer much to be "communized" along with what the production brigades and teams would bring in, and enterprises under ownership by the whole people cannot offer a great abundance of products for distribution to each according to his needs among our 800 million people, we will have to continue practising commodity production, exchange through money and distribution according to work. We have taken and will continue to take proper measures to curb the harm caused by these things."

Just a year after the publication of this article, Mao Zedong died, Zhang Chunqiao was "crushed", and "Chunqiao Thought" was labelled as "ultra-left" and sunk into the most obscure corner of history. It seemed impossible that the world would ever know about it again.

The revelation of the Nanjie Village road


(Above: Nanjie Village and Wang Hongbin)

But the most wonderful thing about history is that unexpected things happen all the time. The "Chunqiao idea", although no longer spoken of, did take root, blossom and bear fruit in a part of China known both in China and abroad as Nanjie Village.

I have often lamented that Wang Hongbin[6], the "leader" of Nanjie Village, was born at the wrong time. Moreover, when Chen Yonggui led the Dazhai brigade along the path of socialism, the political climate was very favourable, whereas when Wang Hongbin led Nanjie Village along the path of collective economy, the political trend was to divide the land and work alone. But from another perspective, Wang Hongbin was born at the right time. As the saying goes, it is only when the sea is flowing that the true nature of a hero is revealed, and in the midst of political adversity, Wang Hongbin eloquently proved with his own practice that the path of collective economy is the path to rural prosperity. From this perspective, his contribution is even greater than that of Chen Yonggui.

It is not groundless to say that Wang Hongbin's practice is influenced by "Chunqiao Thought". On April 18, 2000, Wang Hongbin gave a report on Nanjie Village at the National Poverty Alleviation Seminar. He said in his speech: "Looking back to the three years from 1975 to 1977, I, Wang Hongbin was very popular in Linying County. The county party committee called on the youth to learn from Wang Hongbin, a young man who had chosen not to be a worker but had returned to his hometown to be a farmer and doubled his output in a year as a production team leader. Wang Hongbin is indispensable for the promotion of narrowing the three major differences[7]." In 1975, it was Zhang Chunqiao who published "On Exercising All-round Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie", the year when a nationwide upsurge of learning theory was set off. "Restricting bourgeois right" was Wang Hongbin's first political love, which profoundly shaped his thoughts, but what he should have never expected was that he had the opportunity to put these thoughts into practice only after the reform and opening up.


(Above: Nanjie Village Square)

Without going into detail about how Nanjie Village became rich, the most striking aspect of Nanjie Village to the outside world is the distribution system. At present, Nanjie Village has a "wage + provision" distribution system, where wages account for 30% and provisions for 70%. The villagers enjoy free water, electricity, gas, flour, holiday food, shopping vouchers, housing, schooling and medical treatment, among other benefits. According to Wang Hongbin's vision, the wage component will become smaller and smaller in the future, the supply component will become larger and larger, and the grade of supply will become higher and higher, "eventually making every Nanjie person so rich that they don't personally have a penny in savings." In other words, the ultimate goal is to implement a complete supply system.

It is malicious disinformation to say that Nanjie Village is getting rich by exploiting more than 10,000 migrant workers. In fact, Nanjie Village is tilted towards migrant workers in terms of distribution, with migrant workers being paid 20-30% more than workers of Nanjie Village origin for the same type of work. The difference between Nanjie Village villagers and migrant workers is mainly in the realm of supply, which, in turn, is a guarantee that the villagers enjoy provisions as owners of the means of production, not as a reward for their labour.

The key factor that enabled Nanjie Village to effectively "limit the legal rights of the bourgeoisie" was, of course, the exemplary leadership of the leading cadres. Nanjie Village assets have reached more than a billion yuan, if in accordance with the popular "operators hold large shares" and other distribution methods, Wang Hongbin should have been a billionaire, but including Wang Hongbin, the Nanjie Village cadres have only been taking 250 yuan of wages. Wang Hongbin said that the reason why it is set at 250 yuan is to remind everyone to be a "two-hundred-and-fifty" person, to give full play to the "two-hundred-and-fifty" spirit, to show the energy of the "two-hundred-and-fifty", and to do get into the habit of doing things the "two-hundred-and-fifty" way. In Wang Hongbin's personal case, he is in charge of 26 enterprises, but his love is working in the most tired laundry room of the hotel; other villagers are living in modern small buildings, but he lives in a bungalow ...... With this spirit, Nanjie Village has become a famous "communist small community".

Here, by the way, how do we evaluate the success or failure of Nanjie Village? In my opinion, the main criterion is whether the internal relations of Nanjie Village have changed. In the sea of market and private economy, Nanjie Village has defined itself with great political wisdom as an external circle and an internal square. The outer circle means that the village has to be connected to the market as a conglomerate and cannot survive without it; the inner square means that it adheres internally to the socialist principle of distribution. If one day Nanjie Village is really "insolvent", as the southern media have hyped, does that mean that the road to Nanjie Village is a failure? I would say: as long as the internal relations of Nanjie Village remain the same, the Nanjie Village Road has not failed. The "insolvency" was only a failure of the Nanjie Village as a market entity, but not of the socialist ideals that the Nanjie Village Road carried. This is the same reasoning as the failure of the Fifth Anti-Encirclement campaign[8], which did not mean the failure of the communist ideal.

The final victory belongs to socialism

 The pursuit of an equal society for all has been a dream that mankind has never abandoned, and socialism is by far the most egalitarian institutional arrangement. Since the end of the Cold War, all theories and practices of socialism have been labelled as "fantasy" and "madness", and people are not allowed to delve into them. But in fact, even the most "ultra-left" "Chunqiao Thought" was the product of rational thinking in exploring the road to socialism, and the practice of Nanjie Village shows that a socialist system can run smoothly and efficiently as long as bourgeois right can be effectively restricted. Capitalism will not last forever; the final victory belongs to socialism.

 

2015/7/20

郭松民:限制资产阶级法权南街村道路” - 学者观点 - 红歌会网 (szhgh.com)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



[3] Factor-based distribution is a bourgeois form of distribution, common in China, in which the users of production factors pay the owners of production factors corresponding remuneration according to a certain proportion according to the size of the contribution played by the factors in the production and operation process under the conditions of market economy.

The distribution by factors is divided into distribution by land factors, distribution by capital factors, distribution by labour factors, distribution by technology factors, distribution by management factors and distribution by information factors.

[4] Xiaogang Village in Anhui Province was the site of an alleged “secret agreement” by 18 villagers in 1978 to divide communally owned farmland into individual pieces called household contracts. Despite being pioneers of reform who “risked their lives” to enter into this arrangement, they were merely implementing, with strong behind-the-scenes support from Deng Xiaoping, the “household contract responsibility system” that he and Liu Shaoqi had concocted in the wake of the Great Leap Forward. Xiaogang was praised to the skies as China’s first capitalist village; however, beginning in 2018, leaders of this “reform” began to have second thoughts. Yan Junchang, one of the 18 farmers, was quoted as saying that “individual farming is no longer generating prosperity. We need to combine forces to create a more efficient economy."

[5] Chen Yonggui (1915-1986) was a peasant from Shanxi Province who overcame various obstacles to take his Dazhai Production Brigade firmly along the path of collectivisation. Mao launched a national movement to learn from Dazhai in agriculture and promoted Chen to the senior state position of vice-Premier of the State Council in January 1975. He had been a member of the Central Committee from 1969 and a member of the Politburo from 1973. Once the capitalist-roaders seized power, Chen Yonggui was systematically undermined, and the example of Dazhai attacked.  This was a necessary preliminary for the capitalist-roaders to introduce the Xiaogang Village restoration of capitalism in agriculture.

[7] The three major differences were those between the country and the city, between mental and physical labour, and between industry and agriculture.

[8] From 25 September 1933 to October 1934, Chiang Kai-shek mobilized about one million troops and adopted a new strategy of "fortressism" to carry out a large-scale "siege" of the Central Revolutionary Base Areas. At this time, Wang Ming's "leftist" dogmatism dominated the Red Army, refusing to accept Mao Zedong's correct advice, replacing guerrilla and movement warfare with positional warfare, and replacing people's warfare with so-called "regular" warfare, leaving the Red Army in a completely passive position. After a year of bitter fighting, the Red Army was unable to achieve victory against the "siege". Finally, in October 1934, the leading organs of the Central Committee and the main forces of the Red Army were hastily ordered to withdraw from the base areas.