(Translator’s preface: Officially sanctioned “red” websites in China, like Utopia from which this piece came, are quite convincing about the restoration of capitalism in China, but generally reject the description of contemporary China as “social-imperialist” - ie, socialist in words, but imperialist in deeds. This short piece purports to be a critique of a book about how the former Soviet Union became social-imperialist, but in between the lines is a critique of how China became social-imperialist. It is a pity that such views need to be disguised in this way in order to be posted on a so-called “red” website.)
The term "social-imperialism"
comes from Lenin's appraisal of the Second International and the traitor
Kautsky. He called them "socialists in words, imperialists in
practice" i.e., social-imperialists, with the difference that Kautsky and
others did not hold state power, while once the revisionists came to power, the
original socialist countries would either degenerate into social-imperialist
countries or become colonies of other imperialist countries, and the Soviet
Union belonged to the former situation.
The economic base determines the
superstructure, and to understand how socialism has become social-imperialist,
we must first understand what the economic basis of capitalist imperialism and
socialism is and how it came to be, so that we naturally understand what social-imperialism
is.
The economic basis and most obvious feature
of imperialism is monopoly. Lenin pointed out that "if imperialism is to
be defined as briefly as possible, it should be said that imperialism is the
monopoly stage of capitalism. "But the monopoly of capitalist imperialism
is formed through the accumulation and agglomeration of capital over a long
period of time (the continuous annexation of small and medium-sized enterprises
by large enterprises and the union of other large enterprises), in four main
forms: cartels, syndicates, trusts and conglomerates. It should be pointed out
that since the monopoly of capitalism was formed over a long period of time, in
the initial stage of capitalism its relations of production were adapted to the
productive forces, and it was only at the stage of imperialism, with the
complete decay of capitalist relations of production, that imperialism became
"dying capitalism". Social imperialism, on the other hand, revealed
its decadence and decline from the very beginning, as will be discussed later.
The economic basis of socialism is the
socialist state-run economy, which was formed after the proletariat seized
power through violent revolution and confiscated the monopoly capital and
enterprises of the former capitalist countries without compensation. This
state-run economy controls the economic lifeline of the entire socialist
country, is the main economic basis of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and
plays an important role in supporting and guiding the transformation of
agriculture, the individual economy in urban and rural areas, and in the
transition from the economy of collective ownership to the ownership of the
whole people. At the same time, its development is inseparable from the support
of the collective ownership economy and the partial individual ownership
economy, which complement each other and are indispensable.
However, "the bourgeoisie is in the
Communist Party", the whole socialist stage is full of struggles between
two classes and two lines, and the ideology of the bourgeoisie will persist for
a long time, all this determines that "the restoration of capitalism is
possible at any time". Once the bourgeois spokesmen of the Party seize the
leadership and pursue a revisionist line, the nature of the Party and the
country as a whole will change fundamentally. And the socialist economy itself
is an economy highly integrated with the state power, for it is only under the
leadership of the proletarian power that the socialist state economy can play
its range of roles. Once the leadership is usurped, the nature of such an
enterprise will also change, from serving the working people as a whole to
serving the nascent bureaucratic bourgeoisie, "The question of why is a fundamental
question, a question of principle." This metamorphosed and degenerated
state economy then became the economic basis of social-imperialism.
Social-imperialism still has the five
characteristics pointed out by Lenin, except that, as mentioned above,
social-imperialism is the result of the degeneration of the erroneous line
carried out by the revisionists within the socialist countries, so it has no
progressive significance to speak of, but is decayed and backward from the
beginning, and its interests are sharply opposed to those of the working people.
For example, a soviet revisionist agricultural trust manager shouted "The
trust is my home, I can do whatever I want", and another Soviet
revisionist official barked wildly: "Are you speaking for the Party or do
you speak for the people?"
Since the economic base determines the
superstructure, and since the economic base of social-imperialism is the state
economy serving the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, the actual rulers of the
social-imperialist state are the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, while the working
class aristocracy and a section of the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie and
their intellectuals, who are bribed with high monopoly profits, are the social
class base of bureaucratic rule.
The future
is bright, but the road is tortuous. The degeneration of socialism into
social-imperialism (and eventually its disintegration, as in the Soviet Union)
is undoubtedly a huge setback in the communist movement, but everything always
"goes to its opposite, and then to the negation of the negation".
With the help of proletarian intellectuals and revolutionaries, the working
people are gradually awakening. When this force that determines the development
of history once again merges into a revolutionary torrent, the light of
socialism will surely shine on the earth again!
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