Thursday, June 17, 2021

Lao Tian | Why are the farmers in their hometown "superstitious again"?

 

Lao Tian | Why are the farmers in their hometown "superstitious again"?

 

2021-4-26 14:23

Originally by: Lao Tian

Introduction.

 During the Spring Festival, the government called for a "local holiday", so the planned trip to my hometown was cancelled. Today, I returned to my hometown, the breeze in March, the sun was shining, I went to the villages and fields, and took some pictures with a special contrast, I saw a lot of contrast between the "old and new times", I couldn't help but feel emotional.

 

Author: Lao Tian

 

The small river in my hometown is notoriously steep and scouring, bringing with it the potential danger of erosion.

During the Mao era of collective farming, the brigade pooled its labour force during the agricultural leisure period and invested huge amounts of working days in renovating it, with which most of the hidden dangers were eliminated. Since the dissolution of collective farming, it has not been possible to organise the amount of "annual repair work" needed for maintenance, not to mention the huge effort required to build similar projects - and the amount of maintenance work is far greater than the maximum organisational capacity and investment, with the result that it has been in decline ever since.

In the Mao era, when industry was not developed and farmers had little access to reinforced concrete, they had to choose to use 'boulders' to build up their protection against the scouring of the river - using the great weight of the stones themselves to increase the scouring resistance of the works. The problem with choosing large stones is that the weight of the individual boulders greatly exceeds the maximum capacity of an individual and can only be moved in a cooperative manner, and without a locomotive, the cost of moving them by hand increases several times.

Generally speaking, if a stone is about 50 kg, a strong labourer can pick two stones and walk, if a stone is over 200 kg, four strong labourers will still struggle to carry it. Therefore, the use of large stones for construction work, whether for carrying or stacking, was particularly labour-intensive, and the number of working days required to complete the same amount of stone work was very, very high.

For this reason, in the old days, even if there were good people who were interested in this type of work, it was often seen as a daunting task, and so, before the Mao era, small rivers were largely left to run their own course. This was only owing to the fact that effective protective works required too much investment, many times over the maximum funding capacity - whether by charity or otherwise - to raise the investment capacity above the threshold target.

Nearly forty years after the division of the land (in my hometown, the land was divided by lot after the autumn of 1982), the same shrinking capacity has returned. As a result, the protection works of the collective era are in a constant state of decay, while the small rivers of water regain their "scouring vitality".


The picture on the right above shows that some of the protective stone banks still exist and are still partially protected.

The picture on the left above shows that the collapsed section of the river, which has lost its protective capacity, has shown a clear tendency for the river to 'diverge convexly' as the water washes over it.

It seems that the Maoist era was the most unusual, both in comparison with the past and with the future. The fundamental difference is that the collective input capacity of the Mao era was so high that people were able to expand their efforts to a great extent "against the adverse trends of nature". It seems that the peasants' rationality and planning capacity is related to the actual input capacity that exists, and that the relevant rationality is 'clouded' when the input capacity falls below a threshold level.

The size of the input capacity is one thing, the choice of input direction is another, and the contrast between the two graphs below is also very thought-provoking.

The picture below left shows a floodgate built by the production team in the collective era on the ridge of a water pond, the stones used were all from old-era gravestones and were taken from the village's ancestral graveyard hill nearby.

The picture below right shows a luxurious graveyard and tombstones built by private individuals in the new era.


In contrast, the peasant's overall capacity to invest did not decline, but the institutional platform for centralising power was completely dismantled, so the decline of water facilities followed the decline of this capacity. At the same time, the individual financial resources of peasant families increased, but instead of investing in farmland improvements or other public facilities, they were heavily used in 'competition for face' - as is typical in the construction of ancestral tombs: one more luxurious than the other, one more extensive than the other.

Coincidentally with the rise in competition for face is the extreme vulnerability of the elderly who are incapacitated in the countryside, as Professor He Xuefeng's team has shown in several surveys: the proportion of rural elderly people who choose to commit suicide at the end of their lives is not low.

In fact, although "changing customs" was advocated during the collective farming period, the elderly in their hometown did not "forget their ancestors" or disrespect their elders. The whole village would send the deceased to the mountain. According to the teachings of Chairman Mao in "Serve the People":

“When someone dies in a village, let a memorial meeting be held. In this way we express our mourning for the dead and unite all the people.”

In most cases, the production team cadres will be on hand to preside over the memorial service, and when the eulogy is delivered, the entire village stands at attention, bows, and offers condolences…

I have attended many of them as a child, and I can still remember the scenes vividly. Confucius said "If I don't attend the sacrifice in person, it's the same as if I didn't hold the sacrifice", but if we look at it from the point of view of reverence for the deceased, today is just not as good as it was; in fact, today, it is only a superficial effort to have a big cemetery, a distortion that reflects the competition for face or "superstition" among the living.

In terms of mastery of the present world, the level of commitment seems to be a function of the level of "rationality", and it is only when the level of commitment is above the threshold level that rational planning and action can occur, for which it is of course necessary to invoke the relevant scientific knowledge. The lower the level of mastery, the more the resentment towards being manipulated by fate is distorted into "superstitious beliefs" in various "supernatural powers", and then in the middle of the imagination with the help of various "kingdoms of heaven" or "hells". The "heavenly" or "hellish" paths are then used in the imagination to try to intervene in a world full of risks and uncertainties.

March 26, 2012

 

老田:走出迷信的故乡农民为何再次迷信 - 学者观点 - 红歌会网 (szhgh.com)

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