2021-2-9 22:28| Posted by: 南极| Views: 6993| Comments:
9|Originally Posted by: 李甲才|
From: 网络
(Translator’s preface: An interesting article but a
rather turgid translation. This author,
Li Jicai, writes relatively short paragraphs, but they are littered with
idiomatic expressions, abbreviations, ancient proverbs and very clipped
expressions – what he says is important, and I apologise for not making it flow
more smoothly in English. There are two sets of footnotes. Those indicated as {Note 1} are the author's, the others are mine.)
Li Jicai
2021.2.7
In the 20th century, the world witnessed unprecedented
changes that had not been seen for thousands of years. The successful
revolutions of Lenin and Mao, who led the Soviet and Chinese parties and
revolutionary people to seize power, ushered in a new era in the history of
socialism in the world and in their own countries, with the emergence of an
unprecedented socialist camp. Not long afterwards came the unprecedented
changes of the century, when socialism failed in the long sequence of human
history after only a few decades, and then successively in the unprecedented
restoration of capitalism. The leader did his best in his later years to fight
against revisionism and restoration, but still failed to go beyond the
preconception of the possibility of a peaceful evolution in the second
generation.
The restoration and regression by the capitalist-roaders in
the communist parties of all countries, who are engaged in
counter-revolutionary revisionism, have a common denominator, which is not even a pure capitalist system, but a
colonial or semi-colonial capitalism of the surrendered, bought and paid-for,
subordinate type. In the case of China, can it be that the "second
generation of leadership", according to their age and experience, do not
know what the century-old foreign affairs movement is all about? From 1840 to
1949, China became a testing ground for all sorts of political ideas that did
not work, and it was only socialism that gave the Chinese nation a new lease of
life, but they destroyed Maoist socialism in a heartless manner.
What are the causes of the capitalist restoration?
I. Socialism is a social system of an unprecedentedly
high standard
Commun{social}ism is a new type of social system that is
completely different from all previous societies, it is the peak of the
Himalayas climbed in the history of human social development. In politics,
economics, ideology and culture, traditional customs and habits, it continues
to eliminate selfishness and build up devotion to the public interest, to establish
the party for the public, promote proletarian thinking and destroy bourgeois
thinking, fight self and repudiate revisionism, and transform the objective
world and the subjective world of all people.
A concise and accurate formulation would be two radical
breaks: "The communist revolution is the most radical break with
traditional relations of ownership; not surprisingly, it has to make the most
radical break with traditional ideas in the course of its own
development". (Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto, February 1848).
Four everything: "This socialism is the proclamation of constant
revolution, the class dictatorship of the proletariat, a dictatorship which is
the inevitable stage of reaching the elimination of all class differences, of
all the relations of production from which these differences arise, of all the
social relations which correspond to these relations of production, of the
change of all the ideas which arise from these social relations transitional
stage". (Marx, "The Class Struggle in France 1848-1850"
January-November 1, 1850, Marx and Engels Selected Works, Vol. 1, pp. 479,
480). Socialism is the first stage of communism. It is very different from the
alternation of slave, feudal and capitalist societies and the change of
dynasties within them, which are all different forms of revolutionary
substitution of one system of private exploitation and oppression for another.
As we move gradually from a socialist society to a communist
society, Chairman Mao insists on the theory and practice of continuing
revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, and that without this
"dictatorship condition" there can be no continuing revolution.
According to the practice of the "social revolution" that had been
established, the propagation of communist ideas and the growth of communist
social factors were constantly expanded, which set new standards and tasks for
the continuation of the revolution, and it was only natural that initiatives to
break down the old and create the new would be born.
Criticising bourgeois right, and "equating" that
criticism with the masses, and constantly digging out the traditional concepts
of getting ahead, getting rich and getting promoted, and "learning to be
superior", which are hidden in the minds of many people, have been
implemented from theory to practice to narrow the differences between workers
and peasants, urban and rural areas, and mental and physical labour. The three
major differences between workers and peasants, urban and rural areas, and
mental and physical labour, and the fact that there is no distinction between
high and low, but only a difference in the division of labour, have been concretely
implemented into the provisions of the national cadre policy. The people were
given the right to participate in the specific management of the leading organs
of the state at all levels, and the three-in-one combination of the old,
middle-aged and young people were introduced with the new standards of the
central government, keeping the original salary unchanged, for the first time
in history.
Continuing to promote the "socialist revolution and
construction" {Note 1}, one can understand what Chairman Mao said before
his death when he criticized the capitalist-roaders, "The problem is that they
belong to the petty bourgeoisie, their thinking moves easily to the right, and they
represent the bourgeoisie, but say that class contradictions are not clearly
seen. ". It's not that the leader is left but they are too right. When he
was alive, they only performed vaguely and evasively. When they gain power, they
will show their blue face and fangs.
"Some comrades, mainly the old ones, are still stuck in
the stage of the bourgeois democratic revolution in their thinking and do not
understand, resist or even oppose the socialist revolution." "After
the democratic revolution, the workers and poor peasants did not stop, they
wanted a revolution." "Some people have backed off and opposed the
revolution. Why? Having become big officials, they want to protect the
interests of the big officials. They have nice houses, cars, high salaries and
waiters, more than capitalists." "The socialist revolution has
revolutionised itself", {Note 2} Where is the bourgeoisie if not within
the Communist Party, measured by the criteria of continuing revolution?
"In industry learn from Daqing" and "in agriculture
learn from Dazhai", and "even ordinary workers and peasants were
making progress every day". At this time, when the country was under
public ownership, almost everyone was internalised as a proletarian, and
workers and peasants continued to rise from the masses-in-themselves to the class-for-itself,
and the "three honests, four stricts, and four sames" were made very
concrete {Note 4}. The "Maple Bridge experience"[1]
was also applied to reformers who had broken the law, who were put under the
control of the masses and transformed into new people through work and study,
while administrative expenses were reduced. This is a manifestation of the
leaders' efforts to turn negative factors into positive ones. The work of each
individual in a fully communal society took on a noble nature of service to the
people, freeing people from the Shylockian narrow-mindedness of self-consciousness
and restoring the distorted motivation that already existed in people {Note 4}.
We studied the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat
and improved the "construction of a bourgeois state without capitalists,
similar to the old society", removed distribution according to work, the eight-tier wage system, and restricted bourgeois
right under the dictatorship of the proletariat, regardless of the number of
people involved. The reason for this is that the entire population had entered
a period of "socialist revolution and construction" in which public
ownership is the entire economic system and the upbringing of children is a
contribution to society. Since all people are working for society under the
wage system of "equal pay for equal work", regardless of the size of
the dependent population, and the exchange of money for the sale of rice,
flour, oil and vegetables, the formal equality of distribution according to
labour concealed the inequality in substance. There is a good practical reason
for its progressive restriction[2].
Socialism cannot be created on demand in a social
environment pre-designed by the revolutionaries, nor is it a divine arrival of
the immortals, which is expected by all, but is built on a specific social basis,
constantly in the class struggle and the confrontation between the advanced and
the backward, the revolutionary and the counter-revolutionary. If there is no progress,
there will be retreat. It was difficult for those who had a different
understanding of the "socialist revolution and construction",
fellow-travellers and capitalist-roaders during this leadership period, to
accept it ideologically, not to mention actively work for it. Chairman Mao's
glorious revolutionary theories and practices left the new democratic
revolutionaries, who were fighting the world together, far behind. They were
afraid of the leader's authority and kept their pent-up grievances in their
hearts.
At this time, Deng used "taking the three directives as
the key link"[3]｛Note 5}
to tamper with Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, and his political thinking
was not even close to being on the same level. The leader knew the difference
and naturally pointed out “What!
Take the three directives as the key link. Stability and unity do not mean
writing off class struggle; class struggle is the key link and everything else
hinges on it.” The contradiction and struggle between the two lines in
the Party is a reflection of the class struggle in the Party. Therefore, it is
also said that "the line is the key link, and once the key link is grasped,
everything falls into place", and that "the correctness of the ideological
and political line decides everything".
The leader's above-mentioned in-depth theory of continuing
the revolution has outlined a bright and beautiful social blueprint for our
country and for the people of the world. The capitalist-roaders, on the other
hand, have betrayed "socialist revolution and construction" with a
different kind of "seeking truth from facts". A new technological
product has to be tested many times before it works, and socialism, whose
standards surpass those of all previous societies, is bound to be full of
contradictions.
Standing on different starting points naturally results in very
different points of view. Compared to communism, looking at the ready-made base
of "socialist revolution and construction" is indeed a small step or
two in a long march of ten thousand miles. The Soviet Communist Party's
Khrushchev's communism of roast beef with potatoes was indignantly denounced by
Chairman Mao as "no need to fart" {Note 6}. The capitalist-roaders,
like Shen Gongpao {Note 7}, had their eyes on the back of their heads to see
the outside world, and this was "how it was going to be", after
thousands of years of private ownership.
II. A brief explanation of the concept and short-lived
practice of a communist socialist society
The blueprint for a communist society is one in which the
ideological consciousness of people is greatly raised, material wealth is
greatly enriched, all social assets are shared by society as a whole, labour
becomes the conscious first need of the people, every person does their best,
distribution is according to need, all people live together in natural harmony,
and classes, parties, countries, nations and currencies throughout the world
die out. The first stage of communism Lenin characterised as socialism.
Scientific socialism is commonly known as communism. What is scientific
socialism and what are the key points for rebuilding a socialist society are
summarised in five items and one other.
"First, public ownership of the means of
production".
The means of production are owned by society as a whole, the
people are the masters of their own house, everyone has a job, and there is no
unemployment for all. It eliminates the exploitation and oppression of workers,
peasants and other workers by the private ownership of the means of production
by the landlords and capitalists, and the political and wealth inequalities of
capitalist society that are concealed by the formal equality of the voting system.
It solves the insurmountable contradiction between socialised capitalist
production and private ownership of the means of production, which leads to periodic
economic crises of various kinds, and maximises the liberation and development
of the productive forces.
Only an economic system in which the means of production are
publicly owned can realise the aim of production for the whole of society to directly
meet the material and cultural needs of the people and change the private
ownership society from production for the maximisation of profit. Common
prosperity "for the majority of the Chinese people and for the majority of
the world's people, not for the minority, not for the exploiting classes, not
for the bourgeoisie" (Chairman Mao, June 1964, talk on training
successors).
"Second, state power under the dictatorship of the
proletariat."
The "dictatorship of the proletariat", as the name
implies, means that the party and state power are held in accordance with the
political, economic, ideological and cultural demands of the proletariat.
According to the class composition of the workers, who were not in the majority
at the beginning of the country, it was also called "the people's
democratic dictatorship based on the workers' and peasants' alliance led by the
working class", and was usually organised and implemented by the Communist
Party, which was made up of the advanced elements of the class. “Who gives the
leaders of the party and state their power? It is given by the working class,
by the poor and middle peasants, by the masses of working people who make up
more than ninety per cent of the population" (Chairman Mao, People's
Daily, 16 October 1968).
The Party's organisational discipline stipulates that the
whole Party is subservient to the Central Committee. Therefore, during the
socialist period Chairman Mao pointed out that "especially we must be on
guard against revisionism in the Central Committee" (Chairman Mao, January
1962) and that "if revisionism emerges from the Central Committee, what
will you do? This is the most dangerous thing" (Chairman Mao, 16 February
1965). This shows the reaction of the supreme leadership power of the Party and
the State in the superstructure to the social base. The dictatorship is
constituted by the army, the organs of power, and the law enforcement agencies.
Its functions are, firstly, to oppress the reactionary classes within the state
and to suppress the destruction of "socialist revolution and construction"
by the reactionaries; secondly, to defend and combat the aggression and
subversion of the external enemy; and thirdly, to exercise total dictatorship
over the bourgeoisie in the economic base and the superstructure, including the
various cultural spheres, of the already established socialist society.
"The question of why Lenin said dictatorship over the bourgeoisie has to
be clarified" and "if it is not clarified, it will lead to revisionism.
The whole country must be made aware of this" (Chairman Mao's People's
Daily, 22 February 1975). Thus, the 33 quotations in “Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin on the dictatorship of the proletariat” approved Chairman Mao include
all aspects of society, and herein lies the reason.
"Thirdly, to develop the national economy in a planned
and proportionate manner."
Adhere to a planned economy in which self-reliance is the
mainstay and foreign aid is sought, resources are saved, the environment is
beautified and orderly, blind production resulting in ineffective labour is
stopped, and maximum quality, low consumption and high efficiency is achieved.
To eliminate all waste of human, material and financial resources in production
and non-production, and to achieve a reasonably simple circulation cycle from
production to consumption, as described in Engels' speech at Elbe on 8 February
1845; to make use of the aspects of commodity production, money exchange and
the law of value that are beneficial to the country's livelihood and to limit
its disadvantages. The superiority and advancement of the socialist system is
brought into play, the communist factor is constantly expanded, and all members
of society enjoy free medical care, housing, education and other welfare
guarantees.
Eliminate the unplanned and wasteful nature of the market
economy.
"Fourthly, we should implement a system of distribution
according to labour based on the ability of each person”, gradually limiting
and reducing the remnants of bourgeois right of receiving equal pay for equal
work, and regulating the "exchange of equal value" in the
distribution of wages, and such social ills as “requiring money to buy rice,
coal and vegetables regardless of how many people there are".
"Fifth, the dominance of socialist ideology and
morality and the ideology of the proletariat". This is because "in
the field of political thought, the struggle between socialism and capitalism
as to who wins and who loses will take a long time to resolve. It will not work
in a few decades, it will take a hundred to a few hundred years to
succeed" (Chairman Mao, 14 July 1964)[4].
"Among the proletariat, among the staff of the organs, there are
occurrences of bourgeois style of life". Therefore, in August 1966
Chairman Mao solemnly put forward struggle-criticism-transformation: "Our
aim is to fight to bring down those in power who have taken the capitalist
road, to criticise the reactionary academic authorities of the bourgeoisie, to
criticise the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all exploiting classes, to reform
education, to reform literature and art, and to reform all superstructures that
are not adapted to the socialist economic base, so as to facilitate the
consolidation and development of the socialist system." (The "main
points" in the first to fifth inverted commas are quoted from
"Scientific socialism draws a clear line between itsef and socialism in
all its other names", Slender Man, 28 August 2014).
Sixthly, in international dealings, we adhere to a
diplomatic line based on the five principles of equality and mutual benefit,
non-interference in each other's internal affairs and peaceful coexistence,
oppose both national betrayal and narrow nationalism, and support the just struggle
of peoples for independence and freedom and the revolutionary struggle against capitalist
construction.
There is no significant difference between scientific
socialism and idealistic socialism in terms of the organic composition of
society, but the main difference lies in the way and means of seizing power.
The watershed is the breaking up of the old state apparatus by armed struggle
and violent revolution. The fact is that the peaceful means, the parliamentary
road, has never produced socialism since the beginning of the doctrine of
socialism, but has led the revolution astray.
The aim is to seize power to build a society which follows
the socialist road, relying on the political power to first carry out the
reform of the ownership of the means of production, and realize the
"elimination of private ownership" specified in the "Communist
Manifesto". How to continue to promote the great cause of "socialist
revolution and construction"? Chairman Mao has made great contributions,
and the Socialist Education Movement and the Cultural Revolution are his
creations.
The revolutionary mentor was very specific about socialism,
and the standard model of Maoist socialism is the 1975 Constitution[5].
The period of socialism's existence varied from country to country in terms of
ethnicity, language, culture, etc., but the common denominator was roughly the
six articles mentioned above. Chairman Mao also created the Cultural Revolution
paradigm of preserving and building a society.
III, the world's share of "socialist revolution and
construction" is small and short-lived.
The world's private ownership societies began with slavery
and have been in operation for several thousand years. In China, there were
more than 5,000 years from the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties to 1949, while
public society lasted 29 years from 1949 to 1978, when the agricultural cooperatives
was dissolved, and 39 years from 1917 to 1956, when the Soviet Union was in
power until the "Three Peacefuls and Two Wholes"[6].
At present, more than 200 countries and regions around the
world are almost exclusively capitalist countries with multiple parties ruling
alternately, with pluralistic politics, privatised economies and
market-oriented operations. Even these few countries are not a paradise where
everyone is happy, nor where there is harmony and peace, proving that
capitalism is not the best recipe for human happiness.
After decades of taking the socialist road to resolve many
contradictions, the Soviet Union has been reintegrated into a capitalist
society for more than 30 or 40 years and has not achieved normal and reasonable
development. There has been a sufficient period of time to verify the pros and
cons of the social system. The people have instead lost the security of
employment, distribution and welfare that they had achieved. From very
disparate starting points with the same period of two comparisons, 30 years
before and after the Soviet Union, 27 years in China compared to 43 were
capable and energetic[7].
As long as it is not done mischievously, and calmly measured with comprehensive
social standards, we will come to the conclusion that socialism is the right
direction for human development to move forward, and that the restoration and
retrogression is not a good way out.
The evolution of human society from feudalism to capitalism,
and from there to socialism and back again in a few areas, is evidence of the
reality of progression in many directions. The Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and
Cambodia have all regressed to the point of unthinkable societies. Over a time
frame of several thousand years, societies have always crawled slowly forward.
The fact that at some point in time it has twisted and turned backwards, but
has not extinguished the human race, has added to the confusion of knowing
society and knowing oneself in retrospect. The most reactionary social systems
were seldom as exterminating as the Song and Ming dynasties and the Qing
dynasty, which lost around 80 or 90 per cent of their population.{Note 8}
True socialism, if it is not to be misunderstood by the
dizzying array of so-called socialisms, would be a near 100 per cent
functioning of a society with a public economy, so short that it would be
incomparable to all kinds of private ownership societies. Yet the quality and
quantity of the advancement of its society is incomparable, and its superiority
and advancement unparalleled. The introduction of the eight-hour working day
for the first time, the absence of unemployment for all, free health care,
education and housing, the elimination of polarisation and the reduction of the
hierarchical differences between the different divisions of labour and the lack
of hierarchy, etc., are unprecedented in a thousand years and show a strong
vitality.
There is a law of uneven world development, what if
Leninist-Maoist socialism had run for 100 years and 200 years? Socialism was
fortunate to be established in poor places like Russia and China, but unfortunately
it collapsed in the short term under internal and external attack. The leadership
was well aware of the world and national conditions, of the "enormous
socialist initiative of the masses" and of the fact that "small
production is constantly, daily, spontaneously and in large numbers generating
capitalism and the bourgeoisie. This is also the case with part of the working
class and part of the Party membership". The two tendencies are mutually
exclusive and mutually reinforcing. Where those with high and firm communist
ideals occupy the key positions that can determine the direction of society's
advance, socialism will advance triumphantly everywhere, and vice versa.
Socialist society has been demonised by capitalist
go-getters in communist garb, wearing the red flag against the red flag, and
has been denied the material and spiritual power it had gathered. Even with
nuclear weapons, they are frightened like sparrows, like mangy dogs with their
backbones removed, wagging their tails and begging for mercy at the feet of
imperialism. The use of the huge wealth accumulated in the public sector to turn
the public into the private sector has revived the polarisation that had been
eliminated, deviating from the interests of the vast majority of the people and
leading to a dead end in the development of society.
In 1991, after decades of anti-communist and anti-socialist
frenzy in the Soviet Union, Gorbachev's whimsical attempt to hold a referendum
proved that his perversion had no popular base, with 76.4 per cent of the
population voting against secession. American scholars have revealed that the
restoration and sell-out came from the top.
The Chinese capitalists are "retreating overnight to
the days before liberation" by dividing up the fields and working alone,
taking Xiaogang village in Anhui[8]
as a typical example to lead the way in disbanding the agricultural community,
and slandering the people's commune for bringing agriculture to a standstill.
At that time, the whole country's agriculture was a collective economy, and
Xiaogang Village had been eating hundreds of thousands of pounds of returned
grain for years. Did it fall from the sky? Before liberation, the people had
been starving for thousands of years, but the collectivisation of agriculture
in the past few decades had fed 22% of the world's population, which was hailed
as a miracle worldwide.
Socialism is unprecedented, and so are the contradictions it
encounters:
1, internal and external reactionaries’ extreme hatred of
the "Communist Society", the cost of opposing America and aiding North
Korea, aiding Vietnam; purge and suppression of counter-revolutionaries; the self-defense
counterattack against India; crushing the subversion of U.S.-Chiang
counter-attack on the mainland; resistance to Soviet chauvinism, etc.. The
victorious revolution of Russian Communist Party faced the vitality of an
invincible external enemy. White Russian bandits, the siege by 14 imperialist countries,
Hitler’s invasion, could not defeat the Soviet Union. The most dangerous enemy
is that the top leaders of the party become capitalist-roaders to attack from
within.
2, the interference and obstruction of various wrong lines
and wrong words and deeds within the party, at the highest level from the time
of the co-operatives to the success of the division of the land back into
single farming after 1976: the expansion of the anti-rightist struggle; the boastfulness
of the Great Leap Forward, the “communist” wind; the nine commentaries criticising
Soviet revisionism; the Cultural Revolution to promote the anti-capitalist
roader line and to oppose the suppression of the student revolutionary action,
etc..
3. To carry out "socialist revolution and
construction" in a poor place where there is no material wealth to inherit,
it is necessary to take into account overall plans for food, housing and
clothing, and comprehensively develop national defense, industry, scientific
research, and agriculture. It is difficult for the daily necessities provided
by distribution through the public funds to eliminate and balance the
higher-level demand and supply that people quickly generate in the short term.
The capitalist-roaders maliciously plotted in secret to incite the grassroots,
and their indifference and aversion to socialism spread and grew.
4, it is not that the leaders did not allow Liu, Lin and Deng
to take over, but in the progress of "socialist revolution and construction"
and the expansion of their desire for power, it clearly revealed a departure
from socialism, and their taking over the power would certainly lead to the
defeat of the "communist society". Numerous party members and cadres
had failed to break the influence of the "theory of joining the party to
become an official" from the depths of their thinking.
5. Cleaning up the four olds - existing old ideas, old
culture, old customs, and old habits in the ideological and cultural fields -
failed to make leading cadres at all levels reach the height of self-restraint in
the revolution, and more consciously think about building the party for the
public, fighting private interest for public interest, and fighting self to
repudiate revisionism. With the in-depth development of "socialist
revolution and construction", and new changes in class relations that appeared,
the bourgeoisie emerged among the party's higher and middle level officials.
The number of New Democratic revolutionaries who could not pass the "barrier
into the Socialist Revolution" {Note 10}, that could not be equated with
the people, but degenerated into capitalist-roaders has relatively expanded.
6, to engage in an anti-revisionist Cultural Revolution to
prevent revisionism shocked the world, but failed to build operational and
clear institutional policy provisions to be able to prevent the capitalist-roaders
from usurping the supreme power of the party and using "the whole party must
obey the central government, the party leads everything" to engage in restoration
and regression of the unfavourable side. It should have been made possible to
counter the wrong trend, unconditionally resist the wrong leadership, wrong
decrees and instructions against the community and the public, and to have a
standardised and concrete basis for implementation that everyone can use, so as
to eliminate the reality that the capitalist-roaders are in a position to bring
about the death of the community and the government. At this point, it is
understandable that the leader had the foresight to say, "Don't think that
if there are one or two or three or four Cultural Revolutions, there will be no
more trouble. Never lose your guard".
Despite the fact that the "social revolution" was
a result of internal and external troubles, the Chinese nation was shocked by
the world's disparity and the transformation of its old appearance into a new
one, and that the reluctance of groups to continue the revolution gave rise to
capitalist and bourgeois forces on a daily basis within a specific social base,
making the operation of the "communist society" more complex and
contradictory than one would normally imagine. The Communist Party operates
with more complex contradictions than the average person can imagine. The
liberation of all mankind was the ideological line of communism, and Chairman
Mao could only strengthen socialist education through political campaigns.
IV. The weighty influence of the accumulated humanities
of the Old World was far-reaching.
Imperialism was fortunate to have an accumulated heritage of
thousands of years of inextricable links of ideology and culture from the Old
World. The separation of powers, supported by the superstructure and social
foundations, gives it the political and class sustaining power to ensure that
the resulting heads are capitalist for generations. But the separation of
powers is the political model by which capitalism operates, and the peddling of
such has invariably restored capitalism, with no precedent for socialist postponement.
The working class in Europe and America, lacking the
leadership of a truly revolutionary party organisation, has not been able for
centuries to rise from a class-in-itself to a class-for-itself, fighting for
its own destiny, let alone in China, where there is a sea of small production.
The overthrow of a reactionary regime is the same as the change of dynasties in
the old society, but the socialist system that has been established is not easy
to defend and uphold in the short term, and requires a long historical phase,
as people inwardly maintain and defend socialism as their personal wealth. In
contrast, private ownership societies have over time developed and generated
political and class forces that consciously defend and uphold capitalist
society.
The working class in the western empires of the United
States, Britain, France, Germany and Italy, without the leadership and guidance
of the real communists who had seized power and organised themselves, still
struggled in misery year after year, no matter how much they marched and
demonstrated and went on strike and protested. The occasional politician
president or prime minister who knows how to play tricks also aids and abets
the anti-communist and anti-socialist movement. Of course, there are also
reasons for the suffocation of the narrow nationalist factors that breed
imbalances in world development.
Much of the accumulation of wealth by the Western powers was
the result of invasion and plunder. The most notable in recent times has been
the United States, which is uniquely situated with two neighbours on two sides
of the ocean. In the two world wars, it first stood by and sold arms to make
unjust money from the war, then when both sides were exhausted, it stepped in
to win the war and became the hegemonic black boss of the world, then backed up
its boasted values with force, but never engaged in localised socialism to
experiment with the diversity of social systems and to prove its correctness.
The Chinese people have suffered for thousands of years from
the oppression and exploitation of the reactionary ruling groups, and the dregs
of nationalism and traditional culture have turned into a scattering of
political ideas, short-sightedness and "everyone sweeping the snow in
front of their own door, not caring about the frost on the tiles of
others". Under the influence of the vast ocean of small-scale production, they
were misled by capitalist-roaders and became indifferent to the socialism that
had rescued them.
Unlike the wolf-hearted, die-hard capitalist-roaders, the repeated
experience of living a miserable life is in the end a constant awakening and
enlightenment, stimulated by the negative teachers and lessons, as best
exemplified by the "Maoist fever"[9].
Although they have not yet reached the level of "repaying the kindness of
a drop of water with a spring", it is remarkable that they have not
forgotten the favours they once received from Maoist socialism.
One reason why socialism, which represents the interests of
the majority, has such a short lifespan is that the political ideology of those
in power at the top is not passed on in a way that resembles the natural
transmission of blood ties. The road to socialism should draw on the best of
the successful experiences of ancient and modern governance for its own use. At
a time when there is still a fierce struggle between the socialist and
capitalist paths, a comprehensive plan based on the principle that the
preservation of the "common society" {Note 11} is the most important
thing and the others are the least important is in line with the inherent
requirement that the blood of countless martyrs is not wasted.
After the triumph of the October Revolution Lenin said that
when the old society died, it did not end up like a dead man in a coffin, but
was still emitting its stench into the new society. In response to the emergence
of Soviet revisionism, the leader said on 14 July 1964, "The existence of
bourgeois influence is the domestic source of revisionism. Submission to
imperialist pressure is the root of revisionism abroad". In a talk in
August of the same year, he hit the nail on the head: "When revisionism
comes to power, the bourgeoisie comes to power". How many people at the
top of the Party believed this?
The revolutionary leaders left the capitalist-roaders in
power and took advantage of the Party's high prestige among the people and the
discipline of the whole Party to obey the Central Committee. Using the progress
of 27 years of socialism of common prosperity for all, to compare with the
centuries-old capitalist system of the West in which the capitalists seek to
maximize profits for the prosperity of the few, the plague of American, British
and French-style capitalism being better than Maoist-style socialism was forced
down the throats of the whole Party and the whole army and the whole nation,
and the act of repeating the mistakes of the Soviet revisionists began with
great fanfare and continues to spread to this day.
What was once a time of great ambition to defeat empires on
many fronts has become a soft target for the US when it comes to nuclear
weapons. Don’t you know the numbers? 1976 is the 200th anniversary of the
establishment of capitalism in the United States. Did Mao-style socialism run
for the same number of years?
There are fundamental differences between socialism and
capitalism. If a capitalist leader rises to absolute authority and establishes
a “one-word party”, then his words will alienate the people. “The proletariat
can only liberate itself if it liberates all mankind". Communism embraces
all people, and even war criminals who lay down their arms have to be
rehabilitated to become human again. Those who were instrumental in
overthrowing the Chiang dynasty and establishing a new China are to be welcomed
if they make mistakes and are willing to correct them. It has always been the
party's policy to treat the sickness to save the patient after punishment.
However, this has led to a number of two-faced hypocrites muddling through by swindling
and cheating.
The so-called freedom, democracy, equality, human rights and
fraternity that capitalism has preached for centuries is nothing more than a
way of institutionalising the hereditary wealth of feudal society into a
fantasy that seems possible for everyone, a vague satisfaction like winning the
lottery. The system was designed in such a way as to provide for the profit of
the few and the graft of the many. This has long been refuted by revolutionary
teachers, who have clarified that formal equality conceals substantive
inequality. This is a very simple and understandable truth, but one that cannot
be dispelled for a while owing to the illusions of the people. The social basis
for the existence of religion also stems from this.
Fifth. Party-wide obedience to the Central Committee had a
double-edged character during the period of socialist revolution and construction.
The CCP was founded with the help of the Third International
under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and from its
inception it aimed at overthrowing the reactionary regime in old China and
establishing socialism, propagating, calling for, mobilising and uniting
communists in the revolutionary tide to fight for the toiling masses. 28 years
of struggle[10],
22 of which were spent on the armed struggle under the leadership of Chairman
Mao. The "New Democratic Revolution" was the necessary preparation
for the "Socialist Revolution" and the Socialist Revolution was the
inevitable trend of the New Democratic Revolution.
The new China is not the Paris Commune, or Hungary, or
Cambodia, where successful revolutions were overthrown by hostile external
forces and forced to accept a "pact under the city" to restore what
had been overthrown. It is self-evident who could have restored the overthrown and
destroyed the “Communist society”. Who has the right to do so? The wealth
accumulated in 27 years of socialism is for sale in name only and at a price
that the United States, Britain and France cannot afford to buy. Only the
powers-that-be can sell it all on their own, and here is the profound meaning
of Chairman Mao's statement that revisionism in the central government is the
most dangerous.
Both positive and negative facts prove that insisting on
continuing the revolution and taking class struggle as the key link is the only
way to ensure the continuation of socialism without defeat. As the political
movement continued to cleanse and baptize the top echelons of the Party, which
lacked a sense of crisis over the loss of socialism, conscious and unconscious
resentment and resistance became a common phenomenon, inducing a negative,
rebellious and resistant mentality among a section of the masses, who would use
the "Big Four" at the slightest incitement, the Tiananmen Square
incident of April 5, 1976 being a stark lesson.
Opposing and guarding against revisionism continued the
revolution, and the leaders close to the top leadership also had a deep ideological
divide. They participated in the revolution before and after the Long March,
and they have withstood the test of turning around. They can't be regarded as opportunists
infiltrating into the revolutionary camp, right? The mentors had to be
corrected when they advocated the criticism of Lin and the extreme left. During
the period when the "Socialism with Chinese characteristics" camp
separated from the "Maoist Communist Party"[11],
they were tempted to follow and wave their banners by the temptation of making
officials famous, and when they were given the chairmanship of the Chinese People’s
Political Consultative Conference, they joined the "Socialism with Chinese
characteristics" camp which set up the party for private ends. The rest
can be imagined, which shows the difficulty and bitterness of knowing and
understanding the uninterrupted and unfailing nature of collectivised
socialism.
Marshall Lin entered the revolutionary camp when the Chinese
revolution was in its infancy. After the Nanchang Uprising, he rejected the
idea of “mountain-topism” in the army and supported Chairman Mao's
revolutionary line. During the Jinggangshan period, he showed his talents and
took the lead in the Long March. In the fierce anti-Japanese war when there was
clamouring about subjugation, the national army was defeated by more than one
hundred thousand people. When the Workers and Peasants Red Army arrived in
northern Shaanxi, the victory of Pingxingguan shattered the myth that the
Japanese Army was invincible. The War of Liberation first commanded two of the
three major battles, and led the four fields to fight to Hainan Island. Serving
as the Minister of National Defense, ruling the army outstandingly, propagating
the domination of Mao Zedong's {ideology}, how could he not pass the socialist
revolution during the Cultural Revolution? It would be sad to say goodbye to
the leader while continuing the revolution.
After his cataract operation on 28 July 1975, Chairman Mao
sobbed uncontrollably as he read Chen Liang's <Nian Nu Jiao - Ascent to Dao
Jing > from the Southern Song Dynasty, "What happened in the Six Dynasties
was only a private plan for the few”. How
similar was this to the upper echelons of the Party at that time? Isn't it
possible that you can't completely change your mind when you enter the top?
Worrying about your livelihood? It takes time for the truth in the hands of the
few to become truth in the hands of the majority.[12]
The failure of global socialism was not some failure of the
socialist system created by Lenin, Stalin and Mao. The brilliant achievements
of the Soviet Union and China in achieving full development in a short period
of time are rare in the world, surpassing the capitalist society by hundreds of
years. Socialism, a new type of society that renounces and denies the existence
of the old, can only be done by a genuine Communist Party, and that is only a
Communist one-party dictatorship. The principle of organisational discipline
established by Lenin, Stalin and Mao in the course of the seizure of power,
that "the whole party obeys the centre", has developed into "the
party leads everything", and has taken on a dual character. When the
Party's supreme power was successfully usurped by the capitalist-roaders, the
change from socialist to capitalist power became supreme, and a single word
became the law of the land, which was bound to destroy the "Communist
Party". After the success of the Sino-Soviet revolution, the West won the
battle against the Communist Party without a fight, as Khrushchev and Gorbachev,
and Hua and Deng came to power and broke through from within.
The global capitalist-roaders returning to the road of
restoring traitors can only refer to the capitalism of the United States,
Britain, France, and Germany. Naturally, they are following the same trend, and
they all have the same characteristics of being soft in the head and missing
some brains. Neither can we recognize and obliterate the sharp contradictions
between social resources and the national rifts that are difficult to heal
between countries. China and the Soviet Union have abandoned and eliminated the
"collectivist society" or hollowed out their connotations. However, they
are still repeatedly blocked, sanctioned, suppressed and bullied by the United
States and the West, and will be until they are dismantled into inconspicuous
"fragments", and they allow themselves to be trampled on and
slaughtered and disappear, such as the split up of Yugoslavia. It's not worth talking
about.
In today's world, some people who are lucky enough to gain
power can hold it for a while, but they are all fools who lack a strategic
vision. The Chinese capitalist-roaders are arrogant and regressive. They simply
do not improve the social structure and add moral elements, and they do not
work hard to reform the social "bad soil". The Buddha-faced,
wolf-hearted, conspiratorial coup thief, Hua Guofeng, was overturned as soon as
he succeeded in his mischievous rise to power. It was just a case of what had
been stolen being stolen by another kind of old treacherous and cunning thief[13]
who had been conspiring for a long time.
The thieves who stole from the thief were originally a
different breed of thieves, and their internal conflicts occurred one after
another. Hu and Zhao[14]
jumped up and ran around, striking a pose on the stage and playing tricks for
personal gain for a while, but did not realize the measure of their own propriety,
mistakenly “took the bait" seriously, taking their orders from behind the screen[15]
as a cat’s paw, and acted as friendly and likeable characters while hiding
their evil intentions behind their backs. Naturally, it didn’t take much when
they were uncovered for them to step down.
The foreign slaves, traitors and national sell-outs, adapted
to the change in circumstances and faked a self-criticism to show their
loyalty, and then counter-attacked against the promise to "never reverse
the verdict"[16].
Even the most resourceful can miss the mark. The original hope was that the
reversal would gain support and ruin the Maoist political line of thought and
policy. But I wonder how the group that has gained power can stop here? They
simply want to overturn the whole thing, just like Eastern Europe, and will not
be able to spare the once prosperous society. Deng and others consider
themselves to be completely anti-Mao and anti-socialist. The storm broke out after
hiding behind the curtain did not work, revealing a vicious iron fist to quell.
The United States is "grabbing the gourd to gouge its seeds”[17],
the old thief this time by another wave of foreign thieves has been robbed.
The American bandit, Bush, who was in front, lost the
election to the young Clinton. He thought that by destroying everything in the
"Soviet Communist Party", he would be able to satisfy the West and
become president, but he did not know that the expansion of NATO missiles to
the east would not stop. Yeltsin had to fight for the presidency, but had to
step down on his own when he couldn't make it. The capitalists can be arrogant
for a long time with their falsehoods, but they cannot keep the people in the
dark forever.
Sixth, the Maoist Communist Party is the only society in the
world that has implemented the elimination of the distinction between superior
and inferior.
The "socialist revolution and construction"
gradually developed deeper and deeper as time went on, with the aim of
completely overthrowing the bourgeoisie and all exploiting classes, replacing
the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the dictatorship of the proletariat,
and overcoming capitalism with socialism. The Party's policy of "no
distinction between the superior and the inferior" was implemented
throughout the country, and the old ideology and culture were constantly broken
down and the communist element expanded. In 1976, with nearly 900 million
people, how many people could recognise that "the bourgeoisie was in the
Communist Party"? This was also the source of the restoration of capitalism
in China and its integration into the West.
How could they be considered more vicious than the external
hostile forces with the label of anti-socialist and anti-communist when they
entered into the revolutionary struggle to seize power at a time when the
"New Democratic Revolution" was going to be won or lost? This is a major difficulty in eradicating the
most dangerous enemy originating from within the Party, the capitalist-roaders
at the top, or another type of more acute and complex struggle in which you
live and die. There is a qualitative difference between a leader who is firmly
committed to socialism and all those in power who pay lip service to socialism.
Any hint of deviation from the "communist" track can be distinguished
by the fact that "a big wind can leak through a hole as small as a
needle's point " and that "a thousand miles of dike depends on an
anthill" and must be strongly stopped in its infancy. It will be stopped
in its tracks.
This ensures that the socialist system does not deteriorate
during the leader's term of office, but loses sight of the fact that the
capitalist-roaders have done what they have done so far, which is the loss of
both the communist and the socialist. To convince the masses to agree with the
theory and practice of continuing the revolution, that the bourgeoisie is in
the Communist Party, that the capitalist-roaders are still on the capitalist road,
there is no clear and visible basis for believing that the capitalist-roaders
should be eliminated before the huge cost of the loss of the "collectivised
society" is paid. And when the capitalists had buried socialism as if it
were a dream, they had lost the most convenient conditions for the leaders to
address. This is the law of limitations that even the leaders who created
socialism cannot avoid.
In addition, despite the "Two Discourses and Nine
Reviews"[18],
which were prepared for a rainy day and criticised Soviet revisionism with
great fanfare, there was no visible negative lesson such as the demise of the
"Communist Society" to the East of the Soviet Union, which was both
obvious and real. The modern revisionism of Soviet Khrushchev and Yugoslav Tito
was only a precursor to the demise of our Party and the country. How can anyone
without a high sense of political responsibility understand this?
Human society has never provided two social practices,
public and private, and socialist and capitalist, to operate together in the
same region and at the same time, so that people can choose between good and
bad in a fair and peaceful manner.
The process of moving from socialism to communism is a long
historical stage, with dynamic revolution and construction in the field of
social foundations and superstructure, persistent deepening of the
establishment of the Party for the public, eliminating selfishness and building
up devotion to the public interest, breaking the old and creating new,
continuing revolution, pushing forward new theories and practices on the
political and ideological fronts, making the task more difficult and the
contradictions more intricate and complex. This was reflected in the
contradictions and struggles within the Party line, which were particularly
acute and complex, with twists and turns. It is not surprising that Liu, Lin
and Deng emerged as one category, and Hua Guofeng and Wang Dongxing as another.
The restoration of capitalism occurs in certain social
conditions, and the capitalists usurp power with various specious and grand
arguments, starting from the shallow to the deep, openly talking about Yao and Shun[19]
and secretly acting as the evil-doer, playing it out to the point where their
black flag is blatantly displayed, and nakedly turning public into private for
foreign investment, and implementing polarization policies to buy a large
number of followers to bury the "communist society". With 21 free
trade zones and three batches of negative lists[20],
what else is there to do? The self-proclaimed second largest economy, 600
million people with a monthly income of 1,000 yuan, 340 million with a monthly
income of less than 2,000 yuan, is it necessary to complain about not returning
from studying? What is the opposite, the cost of maintaining stability is
higher than the military expenditure in proving that social and class conflicts
are becoming more intense? The revolution to rebuild socialism will surely come
and will surely win!
The re-establishment of socialism has the basis of past
successes compared to the first round of socialism around the world, but there are
also unfavorable factors that the bourgeoisie in various countries have smeared
the "communists" beyond recognition. At present, no country can be
found where there is a society without a name, and there is talk abroad of
"alternative societies".
It's not the socialist revolutionaries who make arbitrary
conclusions against capitalism on the basis of emotions, it's the truth that
has been taught by the fact that capitalism of all kinds has been operating for
decades and centuries. Has unemployment been solved since capitalism existed?
That polarisation has been eliminated? The demise of capitalism and the triumph
of socialism is the inevitable way forward for human social development.
END
note 1: socialist revolution, socialist construction.
note 2: On March 3, 1976, the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of China issued document No. 4: "Chairman Mao's Important
Instructions" was issued as an important instruction from October 1975 to
March 1976 when Chairman Mao launched the criticism of Deng and countered the
right-leaning revisionist wind, and was reviewed and approved by Chairman Mao
for distribution to the whole Party and the whole country for study and
discussion.
note 3: Three honests, four stricts, four the sames: treat
the revolutionary cause as an honest man, tell the truth and do honest work. To
treat work with strict requirements, strict organisation, seriousness and discipline.
We should treat the revolutionary work in the same way: the same in the dark
and the same in the day, the same in bad weather and good weather, the same in
the absence of the leader and the same in the presence of the leader, the same
in the absence of an inspection and the same in the presence of an inspection.
note 4, Shylock is one of the main characters in the English
playwright Shakespeare's comedy The Merchant of Venice, one of the Four
Scrooges.
note 5: Taking the three directives as the key link: after
the 10th National Congress in 1973, in 1974 and 1975, the central government
documents and newspapers published the following: "Eight years into the
Cultural Revolution, it is better to stabilise and unite", "We must
improve the national economy", "Chairman Mao's important instructions
on theoretical issues" and " Why did Lenin speak of exercising dictatorship
over the bourgeoisie? It is essential to get this question clear. Lack of
clarity on this question will, lead to revisionism. This should be made known
to the whole nation.". When Deng Xiaoping returned in 1975, Chairman Mao
arranged for him to preside over the day-to-day work of the Central Committee,
and Deng proposed "taking the three directives as the key link".
note 6: Written by Chairman Mao in the autumn of 1965, it
was published on New Year's Day 1976. Nian Nu Jiao – Two Birds: A Dialogue
The roc wings
fanwise,
Soaring ninety thousand li
And rousing a raging cyclone.
The blue sky on his back, he looks down
To survey Man's world with its towns and cities.
Gunfire licks the heavens,
Shells pit the earth.
A sparrow in his bush is scared stiff..
"This is one hell of a mess!
O I want to flit and fly away."
"Where, may I ask?"
The sparrow replies,
"To a jewelled palace in elfland's hills.
Don't you know a triple pact was signed
Under the bright autumn moon two years ago?
There'll be plenty to eat,
Potatoes piping hot,
Beef-filled goulash."
"Stop your windy nonsense!
Look, the world is being turned upside down."
note 7, Shen Gongpao: a character from the mythological
novel "The Legend of the Gods", with eyes on the back of his head
note, 8, The Southern Song dynasty was replaced by the Yuan
dynasty in 1264, and the population plummeted to 13.2 million in 41 years of
conquest and warfare, a loss of over 80%.
Population 59.87 million in 1381 AD, the 14th year of Hongwu
of Zhu Yuanzhang of the Ming Dynasty. Population 46 million in 1406 AD during
the successful seizure of power by Ming Chengzu Zhu Di. 1406 AD is 242 years
from 1644, according to the Population Newspaper and the Xi'an Evening News
article the population was around 200 million at that time. After the defeat of
Li Zicheng in the capital and the death of Ming Chongzhen at Coal Mountain, the
Manchu Qing Dynasty entered the country. Shunzhi 8 years AD 1651 population
10,633,000. The loss was 90% up and down. In the Yangzhou massacre alone,
800,000 were killed.
note 9: The Revolution from Above - The End of the Soviet
System by David Coetzee, Fred Weil, USA. Core point: "The Soviet system
was overthrown by a section of its leadership". published in May 2008.
note 10, entry to the socialist revolution.
note 11, short for the Communist Party and socialism
note 12, the New Democratic Revolution and the Socialist
Revolution
note 13 Maoist Communist Society: Communist Party, socialism
under Chairman Mao. Chinese Special Society: Socialism with Chinese
characteristics. Soviet Communist Party: Communist Party of the Soviet Union,
Soviet Socialism.
note 14 The Six Dynasties refers to Nanjing as the capital
of the Eastern Wu during the Three Kingdoms, the Eastern Jin and the Song, Qi,
Liang and Chen during the Northern and Southern Dynasties.
[1] The
Fengqiao (“Maple bridge”) experience refers to the "experience"
created by the cadres and masses of Fengqiao Township in Zhuji County (now
Zhuji City), Shaoxing City, Zhejiang Province, in the early 1960s of
"mobilising and relying on the masses, insisting that conflicts be
resolved by the local community, and that fewer arrests should be made and
better security achieved". In 1963, Comrade Mao Zedong wrote an
instruction to "follow the example of all places, after a pilot project,
to promote it".
[2] Mao said that “bourgeois right” –
the inequalities inherited from capitalism – could only be restricted under
socialism.
[3] In addition to the author’s own
footnote, the following comments were made by Mao in 1975 about Deng Xiaoping: “This
person does not grasp class struggle; he has never referred to this key link.
Still his theme of ’white cat, black cat’, making no distinction between
imperialism and Marxism.” “He does not understand Marxism-Leninism, he
represents the capitalist class.”
[5] The short-lived 1975 Constitution
was the most advanced expression of Mao’s commitment to building socialism by
relaying on the masses. It included the “four
freedoms” of the Cultural Revolution (speaking freely, airing views fully, writing
big-character posters and having great debates). The Constitution lasted three
years and was destroyed by Deng Xiaoping.
[6] After
the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Khrushchev put
forward the policy of "three peacefuls and two wholes". The Three Peacefuls:
"Peaceful Coexistence", "Peaceful Competition" and
"Peaceful Transition" (i.e. a peaceful transition from capitalism to
socialism). The "two wholes" are: "a party of the whole
people" and "a state of the whole people".
[7] The
time spans here are the roughly 30 years from the 1917 revolution to Khrushchev’s
coming to power, and the roughly 3 decades until the dissolution of the Soviet
Union; and the 27 years from the 1949 revolution in China to Deng’s coming to
power, and the 4 decades since his restoration of capitalism.
[8] Xiaogangcun:
In 1978, eighteen peasants, allegedly on their own initiative and “at great
risk”, implemented Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping’s “household contract
responsibility system”, leading to the dismantling of the peoples communes and of
collectivised agriculture.
[9] There have been various waves of “Mao
fever”. It was particularly strong on
the occasion of the centenary of Mao’s birth in 1993 and is characterised by
public displays of affection and respect for Mao. Sometimes these reflect a lower,
rather than a higher level of political
consciousness, including the building of Mao temples and revering him like a
deity. Genuine Marxist-Leninist-Maoist forces have found it hard to organise a
proletarian vanguard party with nation-wide reach.
[10] 1921 – 1949.
[11] It is common in China today for reference
to be made to two different stages of the CPC: the “Maoist Communist Party”
refers to the CPC during the tenure of Mao’s leadership, while the “Special
Party” refers to the Party following its adoption of “socialism with Chinese
characteristics”. The “Maoist Communist Party” should not be confused with The
Communist Party of China (Maoist) which was formed on January 1, 2009. It
issued a letter to the people of the whole country outlining its aims. It elected Bo Xilai, then mayor of Chongqing
as its Chairperson, although he never accepted the position. See: servethepeople:
Bo Xilai and China's Maoist Party (mike-servethepeople.blogspot.com)
[12] One
day in 1975, Chairman Mao, who had just had cataract surgery, was reading a
book in his study when he suddenly burst into tears. This scared the doctor
Tang Yuzhi, who was with him, half to death, as patients are not allowed to cry
after surgery, as it may cause secondary damage. With the doctor's reassurance,
the Chairman gradually calmed down. After calming down, the Chairman handed the
book he was holding to Tang Yuzhi. When Tang took a look at the book, he saw
that it contained a lyric which was none other than Chen Liang's Nian Nujiao -
Ascending the Multi-view Tower. Chen Liang was one of the many men and women
who tried to go north to invade the Jin Dynasty and restore the Central Plains.
The old affairs of the Six Dynasties were only meant to protect the interests
of a small number of people. In Chen Liang's view, the Southern Song court,
like the rulers of the Six Dynasties, gave up the fight to go to the north to
unify the river and the mountains for the benefit of a few
"dignitaries"; in their comfort and enjoyment they forgot their
original intention.
[13] I.e. Deng Xiaoping
[14] Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang
[15] The author uses the Chinese idiom 垂帘聽政, (chuí lián tīng zhèng),
"hanging curtain": the Empress Dowager or Empress is present to
listen to the government and issue its orders, and the hall is covered with a
curtain to hide her from view.
[16] On 23 October 1966, Deng Xiaoping
made a self-criticism before the Central Committee. He and Liu Shaoqi had sent “work teams” to
the schools and universities of Beijing during Mao’s absence from the capital.
They imposed a white reign of terror on the revolutionary masses. In it, he praised
the Cultural Revolution as a movement “to ensure that our country never changes
colour and to avoid the danger of revisionism and capitalist restoration”. In
1967, Deng submitted an autobiography to the Central Committee in which he
pledged "I promise never to overturn the verdict and never to be an
unrepentant capitalist-roader." On 2 August, 1972, trying to turn the Lin
Biao Incident to his advantage, he wrote to Chairman Mao that “if they had
fully grasped the supreme power of the Party and the State, not only would our
socialist motherland have turned into a capitalist restoration, but also our
country would have been reduced to a semi-colonial status, and there is no
telling how many heads will fall…. To this day, I still acknowledge the full
extent of my review and reaffirm my pledge to the Central Authorities that I
will never reverse it.”
[17] An idiomatic expression for seizing
property by force.
[18] After
the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPC) in 1956,
differences between the two parties on issues such as the line and strategy of
the international communist movement emerged and gradually intensified. From
September 1963 to July 1964, the CPC Central Committee, on behalf of the
People's Daily and the editorial board of Red Flag, published nine articles in
succession commenting on the differences.
[19] Two legendary emperors of China from
more than 2000 years BC.
[20] Referring to lists issued by the
National Development and Reform Commission restricting the scope of foreign
investment in China. The lists have been
progressively watered down since first introduced.
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